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^trontenac 3Etiittott 




\France and Englatid in North America 
Part Seventhi^ 



VoLUML Three 


L <' Ti 'Ll\, n 4 f 


Coppight, 1884, 
fiy Fkancis Parkman. 

Ctpynght i8Qji 

By Little, Brown, and Company. 
jUi ngbii rwrvtd. 


V. J. rAltXHIt.1 & Co UOBTUn, U K. i. 


CHAPTER xxnr. 

1738, 1759. 



Joalonity of Vaudtouil lio ailts for Montcalm's Recall , his 
Dmcnmlltnrn — Scmio at tho Hovoriior’s Uouko — • Uisfrust of 
Mniitcnlin — 'I’lui Cniiiuluviis DoHiumdont — Devioos to on- 
oounino tliom — tJiwioimde ot tho Uovoninr. — Doploinble 
litivto of til 0 Colon V — Mijaioii of Ihmgaiuvillo — Dnplieit/ 
of Vftudrnml — lluniraiiivillo nt Vownilles — Substantial Aid 
refused to Coiinila — A Mntiimoinal Treaty — Return of 
Bou);niiivina — Montcalm abaudonod by the Court , bis 
Plans ol Hofonco. — Sad Hows from Caudioc. — Boasts of 
Vaudrouil 3 


1768, 1769. 


Tho Exiles of Fort Cnmborland. — Relief. — Tho Voyage to 
Louisbourg — Tho British Floot. — Expedition against 
Qnolioc, — Early Life of Wolfe ■ his Clnirautor , his 
Letters to lus I’aionts, bis Domestic Qualities.— 'Appointed 
to command the Expedition. — Sails for America .... S] 







Frsnch Preparation.— Muster of Porcos — Gnsoonudo of Vnn- 
drenil. — Plan of Uofenco — Strougth of Moutralin. — Ad- 
vance of Wolfe — British Bailors — Iiaiiding ol the 
Ti'.nghsTi —Difficulties before them. — Storm -- Pupsliips. — 
Confidence of Prenoh Commanders — Wolfe ocoupios Point 
levi — A Futile Night Attack — Quebec boiiibardod — 
Wolfa at the Montmoreuoi.— Skirmishes — Dniigor of the 
English Position — Effects of the Bombnnliiient, — Desertion 
of Canadians —The English above Quebec — Seventies of 
Wolfe — Another Attempt to bum the Fleet — Dcapeiate 
Enterprise of Wolfe.— The Heights of Montmorenci. — Ko- 
pulse of the English 96 


AuunnsT. xiAOAUA. 

Amherst on Lake George — Capture ol Ticondoroga and Crown 
Point — Delays of Amherst — Niagara Expedition. — La 
Come attacks Oswego, his Repulse —Niagara besiogod.— 
Aubry comes to its Rehof, — Boltlo. — Rout of tlio French. — 

The Fort taken — fsIe-anx-Noix — Amherst advances to at- 
tack it. — Storm. — The Enterprise abandoned — Rogers 
attacks St Francis, destroys the Town. — Sufferings of 
the Bangers 77 



Elation of tho French. — Despondency of Wolfe —The Parishoi 
laid waste — Operations above Quebec — Illness of Wolfe, — 
A New Plan of Attack —Fault IIopo of Success. —Wolfe’s 
Last Despatch. — Confidence of Vaiidroiiil,— Last Letters of 



Montcalm.— French VigHanoo — Biitish Squadron at Cap- 
Eouge — Last Order*! of Wolle — Emhaikatiou. — llescent 
of the St Xiawioute — The lleighta scaled — The BiiUsh 
Line — Last Night of Jlontcalm — The Alarm — Maioh of 
French Tioops — The Battle —The Kent — ThePvusmt — 

Fall of Wolfe and of Mantcfllm . . 103 

CHAPTER xrrai 



After the Battle. — Canadians i^st the Fnrsnit — Arrival of 
Vandroml — Scene in the Redoubt — Panic. — Movements 
of the Victors — Vaudieuil’s Council of Wai —Precipitate 
Retieat of the Fieuuh Aimy — Last IIouis of Montcalm; 
his Death and Buiial. — Qneheo abandoned to its Fate — 
llespaii of the Gnriisuii. — Ldvis joins tlio Army — Attempts 
to leliove the Town — Surrender — The British occupy 
Quebec — Slanders of Vaiidieuil — Reception in England 
of the Nows of Wolfo’s Victory and Death — Piodiction of 
Jonathon Mayhew 143 


1769, 1760. 


Quebec after the Siege — Captain Knox and the Nuns.— Es- 
wipe of French Ships — Winlei at Quebec — Thieats of 
Xiivis, — Attacks. — SkiimishcR. — Feat of the Rangers — 

State of tho Garrison — Tlie Fiench prepare to retako 
Qnobcc. — Advance of LtSvis — The Alarm —Sortie of the 
English — R.wh Dctei miutitiuu of Miirrav — Battle of Ste.- 
Foy — of tho English — lAvis besieges Quebec — 
Spirit of the Gairison — I’onl of Ihoiv Situiition — Relief — 
Qiiohoc saved. ^ Retieat of Liivis — Tho News in Eng- 
land 173 






Pa OB 

Desperate Situation — Efforts of Vnntlrenil and l.evis — Pl.viis 
of Amlicist — A Triple .\tUu-k — .Vd\nuro ol Mniriv — 
Advaineof Ilnvdand — Advaiieoof Amlieist. — ('.i] 
of Afontreal — I’mteat of 1a“>is — Injiistice of Lomu XV — 

Joy in the Brilish Colonics. — Chaiaetoi ol tlio War . . . 206 




Exodus of Caundinn Lenders — Wroclc of the " Anptualo ” — 

Tual of Bigot and liiH Cuiifedeintos — Piedcin of Piiissi.f 
his Tiiuinphs, his lleioisos, Ins IVril , his Koilitmlo — 
Death ol (ieoigo If — t'luime of I’ollev ~ I'lioismil, 

Ills Overtnrei of I’encn — The Kamilv (’oinpael — ImU of 
Pitt — Dentil ol thv ('/.iviiia — Puslerii H.i\od — Wiu 
witli Sp.un. — Ca]iture ol — ions — . 
Tciras of Peace — Shull OiUinda ho lesioreil' — Spis'ili of 
Pitt — The 'Plenty signed — End of tlio Bevoii Years’ War . 229 




Results of the Wiir — Germany — • Prance — England. — 
Canada —The Biitish Provinces 26S 






Major-Osniirai. James Woeid Frmttiapieee 

Photogiuvmed bi/ Goupt! and Co., Pmis,ftom the otlgi- 
nal paiulinq bi/ .Tu-teph lIiqhmoie,ta t!ie imtfes'.ion (>f 
Mt» il/dJ/y Anne Aiiiiat/aiu/, Pen~unre, England, 

BoiMifibi.uv Pago 9 

f’lom (/i« pmntnig ui tlw po'^setuoa of Mm de St, Ows, 

St 0ms, Cmiadit 

Sir CnARij.s Kaitnuet.s „ 3S 

P/ain a nnz^ntinf ('iKpaiung bi/ J McAtddl, 

SiROis OP Qirisuiio, IT'i!) . „ 41 

A View or the P\lts op Momtmohekoi „ 60 

Fiomanni(/uwini/ bij IVdUam Elliot, ajler a diamng 
by Captain Ilfi vey Smyth, 

The Death op Wolpis „ 102 

Fiom a mexgotint cngiavwy by Richui d Houston, itfter 
the painting by Edimid Penny. 

A View op Cape Ilotros „ 120 

Fiom an riuiiaxiini by Petei MoseU, after a di awing by 
Captain Ilei tiey Smyth 
This Eam, op Montoaem . . . 

From a painting by Howaid Pyle, 



A View or tbb JJisnop’a IIoubii ash me UvtsB as 
iBCT APFDAit IN aotNO ui> Tiiu IIiuj inoii Tim 

IiO-vvEK TO aim Uppub Town 

F\om an enipmimi/ hy A Bnnuisl, after a dtawini/ by 
Rnhui d Shot t. 

A View op Tim Cnnnon op Notbu Damn be ba 


Ffom an engiamnq by A- Benout, after a diawiny by 
Eiehaid Blunt. 

Dva DC CtiorsBUL 

Ftom thejiauUmy by VanLoo, m the Venadlca Cfalleiy, 

Page i 72 

» 17 t 



'^HE portrait ol Wolfe in the piesent edition of this book was 
never bofoia made known to tho public The pictuie from 
which it is t.aken was painted fiom life by Highmoie, cUi English 
aitist well known in the last oentmy. When WoKe, then a mere 
boy, leoeived his fiist commission and was about to ]oin the array, 
he caused his likeness to be painted in uniform, and gave it, as a 
token of attachment, to Beverend Samuel Eranois Swinden, Yicar 
of Greenwich, whose pupil he had been, and whose fiiend he le* 
mained for life. The descendants of this gentleman still possess it ; 
and it is to their kindness, and especially to that of his gieat-gieat- 
granddaughtei, Miss Floienoe Aimstrong, that I owe the photo- 
graph which is hare reproduced It is behoved that Wolfe never 
again sat foi his poitiait. After his death his mother caused a 
miniatuio to be taken fiom the Ilighmoie picture, and fiom this 
seveial enlarged copies weio afteiwaids made 
The poitiait in possession of Admiral Warde, hitherto supposed 
to be an original, now seems to be one of these copies. It ap- 
peared first in Wright’s “ Lite of Wolfe,” and is tho same that was 
engraved for tho early editions of “Montcalm and Wolfe." The 
existence of the present inoie trustworthy and interesting picture 
has been known to few besides its fortunate possessors. 

Note by the Author to the Edition rf 1887. 

In order to reproduce with the utmost aoouiacy the portrait 
referred to in the above note, the publishers sent to Penzance, 
Cornwall, and obtained a photograph of the original painting, 
from which the photogravure plate m the present edition (1898) 
has been made. 




1768, 1769. 


Jbai,oubt ov YAtroni'^TiiL ‘ na asks tor Momtoalm’s Kboalii; bib 
BisoouFiruRE — SocNB AT TUB Govcksob’s Hobbis. — B igauBT 
OF MoNTOALM. •— Tub CANiUIANS l>AaFON»]SNT — Dbviobs to 

Treaty — Return of — Montoalu aban> 

FROM Cansiao.— Boasts of YAUDBauui. 

“Never was general in a more oritioal position 
than I was: God has debvered me; his be the praise! 
He gives me health, though I am worn out with 
labor, fatigue, and miserable dissensions that have 
determined me to ask for my recall. Heaven grant 
that I may get it! ” 

Thus wrote Montcalm to his mother after his 
triumph at Tioonderoga. That great exploit had 
entailed a train of vexations, for it stirred the envy 
of Yaudreuil, more especially as it was due to the 




troops of the line, with no help from Indians, and 
very little from Canadians. The governor assured 
the colonial minister that the viotoxy would have bad 
xesulls, though he gives no hint what these might 
be; that Montcalm had mismanaged the whole affair; 
that he would have been beaten but for the manifest 
interposition of Heaven;* and, finally, that he had 
failed to follow his (Vaudreuil’s) directions, and had 
therefore enabled the English to escape. The real 
directions of the governor, dictated, perhaps, by 
dread lest his rival should reap laurels, were to avoid 
a general engagement; and it was only by setting 
them at nought that Abercrombie had been routed. 
After the battle a sharp correspondence passed 
between the two chiefs. The governor, who had 
left Montcalm to his own resources before the crisis, 
sent him Canadians and Indians in abundance after 
it was over; and while he cautiously refrained from 
committing himself by positive orders, repeated 
again and again that if these reinforcements were 
used to harass Abercrombie’s communications, the 
whole English army would fall back to the Hudson, 
and leave baggage and artillery a prey to the French. 
These preposterous assertions and lardy succors were 
thought by Montcalm to be a device for giving color 
to the charge that he had not only failed to deserve 
viotory, but had failed also to make use of it.® He 

* Vaudrml aa Minittre, 8 Ao^, 1768 

* Much o( the volummous correspondenoe on the»e tnattew will 
be found m AT, r. <7o(, J^oes , x. 


Tis.” They had been sufficiently confident even 
before their victory; and the bearer of a flag of truce 
told the English officers that he had never imagined 
they were such fools as to attack Quebec with so 
small a force. Wolfe, on the other hand, had every 
reason to despond. At the outset, before he had 
seen Quebec and learned the nature of the ground, 
he had meant to begin the campaign by taking post 
on the Plains of Abraham, and thence laying siege 
to the town; but he soon discovered that the Plains 
of Abraham were hardly more within his reach than 
was Quebec itself. Such hope as was left him lay 
in the composition of Montcalm’s army. He re- 
spected the French commander, and thought his dis- 
ciplined soldiers not unworthy of the British steel; 
but he held his militia in high scorn, and could he 
but face them in tlie open field, he never doubted the 
result. But Montcalm also distrusted them, and 
persisted in refusing the covoted battle. 

Wolfe, therefore, was forced to the conviction that 
his chances were of the smallest. It is said tliat, 
despairing of any decisive stroke, he conceived the 
idea of fortifying Isle-aux-Coudres, and leaving a 
part of his troops there when he sailed for home, 
against another attempt in the spring. The more to 
Aveaken the enemy and prepare his future conquest, 
he began at the same time a course pf action which 
for his credit one would gladly wipe from the record; 
for, though far from inhuman, he threw himself with 
extraordmaiy intensity into whatever work he had in 




hand, and, to accomplish it, spared others scarcely 
more than he spared himself. About the middle of 
August he issued a third proelamatiou to the Cana- 
dians, declaring that as they had refused his offers of 
protection and “had made suoh ungraleful returns in 
practising the most unchristian barnaritios against his 
troops on all occasions, he could no longer refrain in 
justice to himself and his anny from chastising them 
as they deserved,” The barbarities in question con- 
sisted in the frequent scalping and mutilating of 
sentmels and men on outpost duty, perpetrated no 
less by Canadians than by Indians. Wolfe’s object 
•was twofold; flist, to cause the militia to desert, and, 
secondly, to exhaust tlie colony. Rangers, light 
infantry, and Highlandem were sent to waste the 
settlements far and wide. Wherever resistance was 
offered, farmhouses and villages wore laid in ashes, 
though churches were generally spared. St. I’aul, 
far below Quebec, was sacked and burned, and tlio 
settlements of the opposite shore wore partially 
destroyed. The parishes of L’Ango Gardien, Ohatoau 
Richer, and St. Joachim 'were wasted witlx Are and 
sword. Night after night the garrison of Quebec 
could see the light of burning houses as far down as 
the mountain of Cape Tounnente. Near St. Joachim 
there was a severe skirmish, followed by atrocious 
cruelties. Captain Alexander Montgomery, of tlie 
forty-third regiment, who commanded the detaoh- 
m^t, and who has been most imjustly confounded 
•with the revolutionary general, Richard Montgomery, 



ordered the prisoners to be shot in cold blood, to 
the indignation of his own officers.^ Robineau de 
Portneuf, curd of St. Joachim, placed himself at the 
head of thirty parishioners and took possession of a 
large stone house in the adjacent parish of Ohftteau 
Richer, where for a time he held the English at bay. 
At length he and his followers were drawn out into 
an ambush, where they were surrounded and killed; 
and, being disguised as Indians, the rangers scalped 
them all.* 

Moat of the French writers of the time mention 
these barbarities without much comment, while 
Vaudreuil loudly denounces them. Yet he himself 
was answerable for atrocities incomparably worse, 
and on a far larger scale. He had turned loose his 
savages, red and white, along a frontier of six hun- 
dred miles, to waste, bum, and murder at will. 
“Women and children,” such were the orders of 
Wolfe, “are to be treated with humanity; if any 
violence is offered to a woman, the offender shall be 
punished with death.” These orders were generally 
obeyed. The English, with the single exception of 
Montgomery, killed none but armed men in tlie act 
of resistance or attack; Vaudreuil’s war-parties 
spared neither age nor sex. 

Montcalm let the parishes bum, and still lay fast 

^ Eraser, Journal, Eraser yras an officer under Montgomery, of 
'wliotu ho speaks with anger and disgust 

^ Knox, il 32. Most of the contemporary journals mention the 


intrenched in his lines of Beauport. He would not 
impenl all Canada to save a few hundred farmhouses j 
and Wolfe was as far as ever from the battle that ho 
coveted. Hitherto, his attacks had been made ohiclly 
below the town; but, these having failed, ho now 
changed his plan and renewed on a larger scale tho 
movements begun above it in July. Witli every fair 
wind, ships and transports passed the batteries of 
Quebec, favored by a hot fire from Point Levi, and 
generally succeeded, with more or less damage, in 
gaining the upper river. A fleet of flatboats was 
also sent thither, and twelve hundred troops marohed 
overland to embark in them, under Brigadier Murray. 
Admiral Holmes took command of the little fleet 
now gathered above the town, and operations in that 
quarter were systematically resumed. 

To oppose them, Bougainville -was sent from the 
camp at Beaupoit with fifteen hundrad men. Ilis 
was a most arduous and exhausting duty. Ho must 
watch the shores for fifteen or twenty miles, divide 
his force into detachments, and subject himself and 
his followers to the strain of incessant vigilance and 
incessant marching. Murray made a descent at 
Pointe-aux-Trembles, and was repulsed with loss. 
He tried a second time at another place, was met 
before landing by a body of ambushed Canadians, and 
was again driven back, his foremost boats full of 
dead and wounded. A third time he succeeded, 
landed at Deschambault, and burned a large build- 
ing filled with stores and all the spare baggage of tlie 



did what was possible, and sent strong delaohments 
to act in the English rear; which, though they did 
not, and could not, compel the enemy to fall hack, 
caused no slight annoyance, till Eogers checked 
them by the defeat of Marin. Nevertheless Vaudreuil 
pretended on one hand that Montcalm had done noth- 
mg with the Canadians and Indians sent him, and 
on the other that these same Canadians and Indians 
had triumphed over the enemy by their mere presence 
it Ticonderoga. “It was my aotiviiy in sending 
these succors to Carillon [Tieoinderoga,'] that forced 
the English to retreat. The Marquis de Montcalm 
might have made their retreat difficult} but it was in 
vain that I wrote to him, in vain that the colony 
troops, Canadians and Indians, begged him to pursue 
the enemy.” ^ The succors he speaks of were sent in 
July and August, while the English did not fall back 
till the first of November. Neither army left its 
position till the season was over, and Abercrombie 
iid so only when he learned that the French were 
jetting the example. Vaudreuil grew more and 
more bitter. “As the King has intrusted this colony 
to me, I cannot help warning you of the imhappy 
jonsequences that would follow if the Marquis de 
Montcalm should remain here. I shall keep him by 
me till I receive your orders. It is essential that 
they reach me early.” “I pass over in silence all 
the infamous conduct and indecent talk he has held 
or countenanced; but I should be wanting in my 
> Vaudrtml au Minislre, 8 JLvril, 1760. 

6 THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1708, 1709. 

duty to the King if I did not beg you to ask for liis 
recall.” * 

He does not say what is meant by infamous con- 
duct and indecent talk; but the allusion is probably 
to irreverent utterances touching the governor in 
which the officers from France were apt to indnlgo, 
not always without the knowledge of tlioir chief. 
Vaudreuil complained of this to Montcalm, adding, 
“I am greatly above it, and I despise it.”* To 
which the general replied; “You are right to despise 
gossip, supposing that thei’e has been any. For my 
part, though I hear that I have been tom to pieces 
without mercy in your presence, I do not believe it.” ® 
In these infelicities Bigot figures as peacemaker, 
though with no perceptible success. Vaudreuil’s 
cup of bitterness was full when letters came from 
Versailles ordering him to defer to Montcalm on all 
questions of war, or of civil administnition bearing 
upon war.* He had begged hard for his rival’s 
recall, and in reply his rival was sot over his head. 

The two yokefellows were excellently fitted to 
exasperate each other: Montcalm, with his southern 
vivacity of emotion and an impetuous, impatient 
volubiliiy that sometimes forgot prudence; and 
Vaudreuil, always affable towards adlierents, but 
full of suspicious egotism and restless jealousy that 

* Vaudreuil au Mim'ibe, 8 Am'l, 17B9, 

* Vaudreuil b Montcalm, 1 Ao&t, 17B8. 

* Montcalm Vaudteuil, 0 Aoiit, 1768. 

< Ordree du Hoy et JDepkhes dee Ministres, 1768, 1769. 

1758, 1759.] 



bristled within him at the very thought of his col- 
league. Some of the by-play of the quarrel may be 
seen in Montcalm’s familiar correspondence with 
Bourlamaque. One day the governor, in his own 
house, brought up the old complaint that Montcalm, 
after taking Fort William Henry, did not take Fort 
Edward also. The general, for the twentieth time, 
gave good reasons for not making the attempt. “I 
ended,” he tells Bourlamaque, “by saying quietly 
that when I went to war I did the best I could; and 
that when one is not pleased with one’s lieutenants, 
one had better take tlie field in person. He was 
very much moved, and muttered between his teeth 
tliat perhaps he would; at which I said that I should 
be delighted to serve under him. Madame de 
Vaudreuil wanted to put in her word. I said: 
‘ Madame, saving duo respect, permit me to have the 
honor to say that ladies ought not to talk war.’ She 
kept on. I said: ‘ Madame, savmg due respect, per- 
mit me to have the honor to say that if Madame de 
Montcalm were here, and heard me talking war with 
Monsieur le Marquis do Vaudreuil, she would remain 
silent. ’ This scene was in presence of eight officers, 
three of them belonging to the colony troops ; and a 
pretty story they will make of it.” 

These letters to Bourlamaque, in their detestable 
handwriting, small, cramped, confused, without 
stops, and sometimes almost mdecipherable, betray 
the writer’s state of mind, “I should hke as well 
as anybody to be Marshal of France; but to buy the 

8 THE BRINK OF RUIN. [1768, 1760 

honor with the life I am leading here would bo too 
much.” He recounts the last nows from Fort 
Duquesne, just before its fall. “Mutiny among the 
Canadians, who want to come homo; tho officers 
busy with making money, and stealing like miuuhi- 
nns. Their commander sets the example, and will 
come back with three or four hundred thousand 
francs; the pettiest ensign, who does not gamble, 
will have ten, twelve, or fifteen thousand. The 
Indians don’t like Ligneris, who is drunk evoiy day. 
Forgive the confusion of this letter; I have not 
slept all night with thinldng of the robberies and mis- 
management and folly. Fauvre Moi, pamre France, 
carapatrial” “Oh, when shall wa get out of tliis 
country 1 I think I would give half tlmt I have to 
go home. Pardon this digression to a melancholy 
man. It is not tliat I have not still some remnants 
of gayety; but what would seem such in anybody 
else IS melancholy for a Languedooian. Bum my 
letter, and never doubt my attachment.” “I shall 
always say, Happy he who is free from the proud 
yoke to which I am bound. When shall I see my 
chateau of Candiao, my plantations, my chestnut 
grove, my oil-mill, my mulberry-trees ? 0 Ion Dieu ! 
Bon wir ; hnUeg ma httre," ^ 

Never was dispute more untimely than that between 
these ill-matched colleagues. I'he position of the 
colony was desperate. Thus far the Canadians had 

1 The above extracts are from letters of 6 and 27 Novorabci 
and 9 December. 1768, and 18 and 28 Mai oh, 1769 



1768, 1759.] 

never lost heart, but had obeyed with admirable 
alacrity the governor’s call to arms, borne with 
patience the burdens and privations of the war, and 
submitted without revolt to the exactions and oppres- 
sions of Cadet and his orewj loyal to their native 
soil, loyal to their Church, loyal to the wretched 
government that crushed and behttled them. When 
the able-bodied were ordered to the war, where four- 
fifths of them were employed in the haid and tedious 
work of transportation, the women, boys, and old 
men tilled the fields and raised a scanty harvest, 
which always might be, and sometimes was, taken 
from them in tlie name of the King. Yet the least 
destitute among them were forced every winter to 
lodge soldiers in their houses, for each of whom they 
were paid fifteen francs a month, in return for sub- 
stance devoured and wives and daughters debauched.^ 

No pains had been spared to keep up the courage 
of tlie people and feed them with flattering illusions. 
When the partisan officer Boishdbert was tried for 
peculation, his counsel met the charge by extolling 
the manner m which he had fulfilled the arduous 
duty of encouraging the Acadians, “putting on an 
air of triumph even in defeat; using threats, caresses, 
stratagems; painting our victories in vivid colors; 
hiding the strength and successes of the enemy; 
promising succors that did not and could not come, 
inventing plausible reasons why they did not come, 

1 Mtmaire sur 2« mo^en d’entretmir 10,000 Hommt* dt Troupes dans 
les Cohmes, 1760. 


THE BRINK OF RUIN. C1758 . 1769 

and Timlring new promises to set off the failure of the 
oldj persuading a starved people to forget their 
misery; taking from some to give to others; and 
dmng all this continually in the face of a superior 
enemy, that tliis oountiy might ho snatched from 
England and saved to France.” ^ What Boishdhert 
was doing in Acadia, Vaudreuil was doing on a 
larger scale in Canada. By indefatigable lying, by 
exaggerating every success and covering over every 
reverse, he deceived tlie people and in some measure 
himself. He had in abundance the Canadian gift of 
gasconade, and boasted to the colonial minister that 
one of his countrymen was a match for from three 
to ten Englishmen. It is possible that he almost 
believed it; for the midnight surprise of defenceless 
families and the spreading of panics among scattered 
border settlements were inseparable from his idea of 
war. Hence the high value he set on Indians, who 
in such work outdid the Canadians tliomsolvos. 
Sustained by the intoxication of flattering falsehoods, 
and not doubting that the blunders and weakness of 
the first years of the war gave the measure of Eng- 
lish efficiency, the colonists had never suspected that 
they could be subdued. 

But now there was a change. The reverses of the 
last campaign, hunger, weariness, and possibly some 
incipient sense of atrocious misgovemment, began to 
produce their effect; and some, especially in the 

1 Prod) do Bigd, Cadet, ei auirea, Mimotre pour It Sieur do Bow 


towns, were "heard to murmur that further resistance 
was useless. The Canadians, though brave and 
patient, needed, like Frenchmen, the stimulus of 
success. “ The people are alarmed, ” said tlie modest 
governor, “and would lose courage if my firmness 
did not rekindle their zeal to serve the King.”^ 

“Rapacity, folly, intrigue, falsehood, will soon 
ruin this colony which has cost the King so dear,” 
Avrote Doreil to the minister of war. “ We must not 
flatter ourselves with vain hope; Canada is lost if 
we do not have peace this winter.” “It has been 
saved by miracle in these past three years; nothing 
but peace can save it now, in spite of all the efforts 
and the talents of M. de Montcalm.”® "Vaudreuil 
liimself became thoroughly alarmed, and told the 
court in the autumn of 1768 that food, arms, muni- 
tions, and overythhig else were fast failing, and tliat 
without immediate peace or heavy reinforcements all 
was lost. 

The condition of Canada was indeed deplorable. 
The St. Lawrence was watched by British ships; tlie 
harvest was meagre; a barrel of flour cost two hun- 
dred francs; most of the cattle and many of the 
horses had been killed for food. The people lived 
chiefly on a pittance of salt cod or on rations furnished 
by the King; all prices were inordinate; tlie officers 
from France were starving on their pay; while a 

1 Vmtdimil att Mtnistie, 10 Awil, 1759 . 

* Doled an 31 Jwllet, 1758 Ibtd,, 12 Ao{lt, 1768 . Ibid,, 

81 Aoitt, 1758 . Ibid,, 1 Septembre, 1758 . 


legion of indigenous and impoited scoundrels fattoiiod 
on the general distress. “ Wliat a country I ” oxclaiiiis 
Montcalm. “ Hera all the loiavcs glow rich, and the 
honest men are ruined.” Yet he was resolved to 
stand by it to the last, and wrote to the minister of 
war that he would bury Imnsclf under its ruins. “ I 
asked for my recall after the glorious affair of Uie 
eighth of July; but since the state of the colony is 
so bad, I must do what I can to help it and retard 
its fall.” The only hope was in a strong appeal to 
the court; and he Uiought himself fortunate in per- 
suading Vaudreuil to consent that Bougainville should 
be commissioned to make it, seconded by Doreil. 
They were to sail m different ships, in order tliat 
at least one of them might arrive safe. 

Vaudreuil gave Bougainville a letter introducing 
him to the colonial minister in high terms of praise; 
“He is m all respects better fitted than anybody else 
to inform you of the state of the colony, I have 
given him my instructions, and you can trust entirely 
in what he tells you.”^ Concerning Doreil ho wrote 
to the mimster of war: “I have full confidence in 
him, and he may be entirely trusted. Everybody 
here bices him.”® While thus extolling the friends 
of his rival, the governor took care to provide against 
the effects of his politic commeudaliona, and wrote 
thus to his patron, the colonial minister: “In order 
to condescend to the wishes of M. de Montcalm, and 

* Vaudnwl m Mimitre rfe la Marme, 4 Novmhn, 1768. 

* Vaadrml au Mmisird de la Guene, 11 Octohe, 1768. * 


leave no means untried to keep in harmony with 
him, I have given letters to MM. Doieil and Bougain- 
ville; hut I have the honor to inform you, Mon- 
seigneur, that they do not understand the colony, 
and to warn you that they are creatures of M. de 

The two envoys had sailed for France. Winter 
was close at hand, and the harbor of Quebec was 
nearly empty. One ship still hngered, the last of 
the season, and by her Montcalm sent a letter to his 
mother; “You will be glad to have me write to you 
up to the last moment to tell you for the hundredth 
time that, occupied as I am with the fate of New 
France, the preservation of the troops, the interest 
of the state, and my own glory, I think continually 
of you all. We did our best in 1766, 1767, and 
1768; and so, God helping, we will do in 1769, 
unless you make peace in Europe.” Then, shut 
from the outer world for half a year by barriers of 
ice, he waited what returning spring might bring 

Both Bougamville and Doreil escaped the British 
cruisers and safely reached Versailles, where, in the 
slippery precincts of the court, as new to him as they 
were treacherous, the young aide-de-camp justified 
all the confidence of his chief. He had interviews 
with the ministers, the King, and, more important 
tliaii all, with Madame de Pompadour, whom he 
succeeded in propitiating, though not, it seems, 

1 Yaudreuil aii Ministie de la Mat me, 3 Novembre, 1768. 




witliout diffiouHy and delay. France, unfortunate 
by lanfl and sea, with finances ruined and navy 
crippled, had gained one brilliant victory, and she 
owed it to Montcalm. She could pay for it in 
honors, if in notliing else. Montcalm was made 
lieutenant-general, Ldvis major-gouoral, Bouj'laniaquo 
brigadier, and Bougainville colonel and chevalier of 
St. Lours; while Vaudrauil was solaced 'with the 
grand cross of that order.^ But when tiro two envoys 
ashed substantial aid for tire imperilled colony, 
the response was chilling. The colonial minister, 
Berryer, prepossessed against Bougainville by the 
secret warning of Vaudreuil, received him coldly, 
and replied to his appeal for help: “Eh, Monsieur, 
when the house is on fire one cannot occupy one’s 
self with the stable.” “At least. Monsieur, nobody 
will say that you talt like a horse, ” was tiro irroveroiit 

Bougainville laid four memorials before tire court, 
in which he showed the desperate state of tiro colony 
and its dire need of help. Thus far, ho said, Canada 
has been saved by the dissensions of tire English 
colonies; but now, for tlie first time, they are united 
against her, and prepared to put forth their strengUi. 
And he begged for troops, arms, munitions, food, 
and a squadron to defend the mouth of the St. 
Lawrence.® The reply, couched in a letter to 

I Ordrei da Roy et Bipidiei dtt Mmistm, Janvier, Fehmer, 1760. 

* Memmre remit au MmUtra par M. de BougatwviUe, Dgcembre, 



Montcalm, was to the effect that it was necessary to 
concentrate all the strength of the kingdom for a 
decisive operation in Europe ; that, therefore, the aid 
reqmred could not be sent; and that the King tinisted 
everything to his zeal and generalship, joined with 
the valor of the victors of Ticonderoga.^ All that 
could be obtained was between three and four hun- 
dred recruits for the regulam, sistj"- engineers, sap- 
pers, and artillerymen, and gunpowder, arms, and 
provisions sufficient, along with the supplies brought 
over by the contractor. Cadet, to carry the colony 
through the next campaign.® 

Montcalm had intrusted Bougainville with another 
mission, widely different. This was no less than the 
negotiating of suitable marriages for the eldest son 
and daughter of his oommaudei, with whom, in the 
confidence of friendship, he had had many conversa- 
tions on the matter. “He and I,” Montcalm wrote 
to his mother, Madame de Saint-V^ran, “have two 
ideas touching these marriages, — tlie first, romantic 
and chimerical; the second, good, practicable.”® 
Bougainville, invoking the aid of a lady of rank, a 
fnend of the family, acquitted himself well of his 
delicate task. Before he embarked for Canada, in 
early spring, a treaty was on foot for the marriage of 
tlie young Comte de Montcalm to an heiress of six- 
teen; while Mademoiselle de Montcalm had already 

1 he Mimstre it Montcalm, 8 Fierier, 1769. 

Ordres du Roy et Depiches dee Mimatree, Fevrier, 1769 

Montcalm it Madame de SainUViian, 24 Septemhre, 1768, 




become Madame d’Espineuse. “Her faLlier will be 
debghted,” says the successful negotiator.! 

Again he crossed the Atlantic and sailed up tho 
St. Lawrence as the portentous spring of 1769 was 
lowering over tho dissolving snows of Canada. With 
him came a squadron bearing the supplies and tho 
petiy reinforcement which tlie court had vouchsafed. 
“A littlo IS precious to those who have nothing,” 
said Montcalm on receiving them. Despatches fioni 
the mimsters gave warning of a great armament 
fitted out in English porte for tlie attack of Quebec, 
while a letter to the general from the Mardchal de 
Belleisle, minister of war, told what was expected of 
him, and why ho and the colony weie abandoned to 
their fate. “If we sent a large roinforcemeiit of 
troops,” said Belleisle, “there would be groat fear 
that the English would intercept them on the way; 
and as the King could never send you forces equal 
to those which tlie English are prepared to oppose to 
you, the attempt would have no other effect than to 
excite the Cabinet of London to increased efforts for 
preserving its superiority on the American continent. 

“As we must expect the English to turn all their 
force against Canada, and attack you on several sides 
at once, it is necessary that you limit your plana of 
defence to the most essential points and those most 
closely connected, so that, being concentrated within 
a smaller space, each part may be within reach of 
support and succor from the rest. How small soever 

J Zettfes de BougamvilU Madame de SatnUViran, 1768, 1769, 


may be the space you are able to hold, it is indispen- 
sable to keep a footing in North America; for if we 
once lose the country entirely, its recovery -will be 
almost impossible. The King counts on your zeal, 
courage, and persistency to accomplish this object, 
and relies on you to spare no pains and no exertions. 
Impart this resolution to your chief officers, and join 
■with them to inspire your soldiers with it. I have 
answered for you to the King; I am confident that 
you will not disappoint me, and that for the glory of 
the nation, the good of the state, and your own 
preservation, you will go to the utmost extremity 
, rather than submit to conditions as shameful as those 
imposed at Louisbourg, the memory of -which you 
will wipe out. ” ^ “We -will save this unhappy colony, 
or perish,” was the answer of Montcalm. 

It was believed that Canada would be attacked 
■with at least fifty thousand men. Vaudreuil had 
caused a census to be made of the governments of 
Montreal, Three Bivers, and Quebec. It showed a 
httle more than thirteen thousand effective men.^ 
To these were to be added thirty-five hundred troops 
of the line, including the late reinforcement, fifteen 
hundred colony troops, a body of irregulars in Acadia, 
and the militia and ooureura de hois of Detroit and 
the other upper posts, along with from one to two 
thousand Indians who could still be counted on. 

1 BeUeutU h Montcalm, 10 FStmet, 1760 

3 Vaudreuil au Mmistre, 8 Avril, 1769 The MtHimnM tur Ic Caw 
ada, 1740-1760, says 16,226 efCecUve men. 
von. lu, — 2 

18 THE BRINK OF RUIN'. [1769 

Great as was the disparity of numbers, there was 
good hope that the oentio of tlie colony could be 
defended; for the only avenues by which an cnoniy 
could approach were barred by the look of Quebec, 
the rapids of tlie St. Lawrence, and the strong ])oai- 
tion of Isle-aux-Noix, at the outlet of Lake Chain- 
plain. Montcalm had long inclined to the plan of 
concentration enjoined on him by the minister of 
war. Vaudreuil was of another mind; he insisted 
on stiU occupying Acadia and the forts of the upper 
country; matters on which he and tlie general 
exchanged a correspondence that widened the breach 
between them. 

Should every effort of resistance fail, and tlie 
invaders force their way into the heart of Canada, 
Montcalm proposed the desperate rosoi’t of abandon- 
ing the valley of the St. Lawence, descending the 
Mississippi with his troops and as many as possible 
of the inhabitants, and making a last stand fur 
France among the swamps of Louisiana.^ 

In April, before Bougainville’s return, he wrote to 
his wife : “ Can we hope for another miracle to save 
us? I trust in God; he fought for us on Uie eighth 
of July. Come what may, his will be done I I wait 
the news from Prance with impatience and dread. 
We have had none for eight montlis; and who knows 
if much can reach us at all this year? How dearly 
I have to pay for the dismal privilege of figuring two 
or three times in the gazettes!” A month later, 

» M^inotfe lur U Canada lemts auMmsfte, 27 Ddcmbrt, 1768, 


after Bougainnlle had come: “Our daughter is well 
mamed. I thmls: I would renounce every honor to 
jom you again; but the King must be obeyed. The 
moment when I see you once more will be the 
brightest of my life. Adieu, my heart I I beheve 
that I love you more than ever.” 

Bougainville had brought sad news. He had 
heard before sailing from France that one of Mont- 
calm’s daughters \^dead, but could not learn which 
of them. “I think,” says the father, “that it must 
be poor Mirfite, who was like me, and whom I loved 
very much.” He was never to know if this conjec- 
ture was true. 

To Vaudreuil came a repetition of the detested 
order tliat he should defer to Montcalm on all ques- 
tions of war; and moreover that he should not take 
command in person except when the whole body of 
the mihtia was called out; nor, even then, witliout 
consultmg his rival* His ire and vexation produced 
an access of jealous self-assertion, and drove him 
into something like revolt against the ministerial 
command. “If the English attack Quebec, I shall 
always bold myself free to go thither myself with 
most of the troops and all the militia and Indians I 
can assemble. On arriving I shall give battle to the 
enemy; and I shall do so again and again, till I have 
forced him to retire, or till he has entirely crushed 
me by excessive superiority of numbers. My obsti- 

1 Oidru du Roy et Dgpechea dea Mxmttret, Lettre h VdudTeud,3 
F6vner, 1769. 


THE brutk of Rtnu. 

[ 1769 . 

nacy in opposing Ms landing will be the more d 
prapos, as I have not the means of sustaining a siege. 
If I succeed as I wish, I shall next march to Carillon 
to arrest him there. You see, Monseigneur, tliat 
the slightest change in my arrangements would 
have the most unfortunate consequences.”^ 

Whether he made good this valorous declaration 
will presently bo seen. 

Kotb.— Th« Archives de la Guerre and the Archives de la Ma 
rJne contain a mass of letteis and documents on the subjects treated 
in the above chapter; these I have carefully read and collated 
The other principal authonties are the correspondence of Montcalm 
with Bourlamoque and with his own family ; tiie letters of Vaudi eiill 
preserved in the Archives Nationalos ; and the letters of Bougain- 
ville and Doreil to Montcalm and Madame de Salnt-Vdran while on 
their mission to France. For copies of these last I am indebted te 
the present Marquis de Montcalm. 

t VattdftuU au Mtnistre, 8 Avnt, 1769. 


17fi8, 1769. 


Thb Exilbs ox Eobt CoubebIiAks. — Kblibv.— Thx Votaoe 
TO IionisBOTiiia — Trb Bbituh Fleet — Expesitiok aoaikbt 
Quebec — Earlt Life ox Wolfe bib CHA.itA.OTBB, his Let. 
tebs to bis Farexts ; his Dohebtio Qualities — Affoimibe 


Captain John Knox, of the forly-third regiment, 
had spent the winter in garrison at Fort Cumberland, 
on the hill of Beaus^jonr. For nearly two years he 
and his comrades had been exiles amid the wilds 
of Nova Scotia, and the monotonous inaction was 
becoming insupportable. The great marsh of Tante- 
mar on the one side, and that of Missaguash on the 
other, two vast flat tracts of glaring snow, bounded 
by dark hills of spruce and fir, were hateful to their 
sight. Shooting, fishing, or skating were a dangerous 
relief j for the neighborhood was infested by “ vermin, ” 
as they called the Aoadians and their Micmao allies. 
In January four soldiers and a ranger were waylaid 
not far from the fort, disabled by bullets, and then 
scalped alive. They were found the next morning 
on the snow, contorted in the agonies of death, and 

22 WOLFE. [1759. 

frozen like marlble statues. St. Patrick’s Day 
brought more clioerful excitements. Tlio Irish 
officers of the ganison gave their corarados a feast, 
having laid m during the autumn a stock of frozen 
provisions, tliat the festival of their saint might he 
duly honored. All was hilarity at Fort Cunihciiand, 
where it is recorded that punch to the value of twelve 
pounds sterling, wiUi a corresponding supply of wine 
and beer, was consumed on this joyous occasion.* 

About the middle of April a schooner came up tlie 
bay, bringing letters that filled men and officers with 
delight. The regiment was ordered to hold itself 
ready to embark for Louisbourg and join an expedi- 
tion to the St. Lawrence, under command of Major- 
General Wolfe. All that afteinoon the soldiei’s wore 
shouting and cheering in their barracks; and when 
they mustered for the evening roll-call, there Avas 
another burst of huzzas. Hioy Avaited in expectancy 
nearly three weeks, and then the transports which 
were to carry them arrived, bringing the provincials 
who had been hastily raised in New England to take 
their place. These Knox describes as a mean-looking 
set of fellows, of all ages and sizes, and without any 
kind of discipline; adding that their olRcors are 
sober, modest men, who, though of confined ideas, 
talk very clearly and sensibly, and make a decent 
appearance in blue, faced Avith scarlet, tliough the 
privates have no uniform at all. 

At last the forty-third set sail, the cannon of the 

1 Knox, Htstoned Journal, i. 228. 



fort saluting them, and the soldieiu cheering lustily, 
overjoyed to escape from their long imprisonment. 
A gale soon began; the transports became separated; 
Knox’s vessel sheltered herself for a time m Fassa- 
maquoddy Bay; then passed the Grand Menan, and 
steered southward and eastward along the coast of 
Nova Scotia. A calm followed the gale; and they 
moved so slowly that Knox beguiled the time by 
fishing over the stem, and caught a halibut so large 
that he was forced to call for help to pull it m. 
Then they steered northeastward, now lost in fogs, 
and now tossed mercilessly on those boisterous 
waves ; till, on the twenty-fourth of May, they saw a 
rooky and surf-lashed shore, with a forest of masts 
rising to all appearance out of it. It was the British 
fleet in the land-locked harbor of Louisbourg. 

On the left, as they sailed through the narrow 
passage, lay the town, scarred with shot and shell, 
tlie red cross floating over its battered ramparts; 
and around in a wide semi-circle rose the bristling 
backs of rugged hills, set thick with dismal ever- 
greens. They passed the great ships of the fleet, 
and anchored among the other transports towards the 
head of the harbor. It was not yet free from ice ; 
and the floating masses lay so thick in some parts 
that the reckless sailors, returning from leave on 
shoie, jumped from one to another to regain their 
ships. There was a review of troops, and Knox 
went to see it; but it was over before he reached the 
place, where he was presently told of a characteristic 




reply just made by Wolfe to some officers who had 
apologized for not having taught their men the new 
exercise. “Poh, pohl — new exercise — new fiddle- 
stick. If they are otherwise well disciplined, and 
will fight, that’s all I sliall require of them.” 

Knox does not record lus impressions of his now 
commander, which must have been disappointing. 
He called him afterwards a British Achilles , but in 
person at least Wolfe bore no likeness to the son of 
Peleus, for never was tlie soul of a hero cased m a 
frame so incongruous. His face, when seen in pro- 
file, was singular as that of the Great Coiidd. Tho 
forehead and chin receded; the nose, slightly up- 
turned, formed witli the other features the point of 
an obtuse triangle; tho moutli was by no moans 
shaped to express resolution; and notliing but the 
clear, bright, and piercing eye bespoke tho spirit 
within. On his head he wore a black throo-corucred 
hat; his red hair was tied in a queue behind; his 
narrow shoulders, slender body, and long, thin limbs 
were cased in a scarlet frock, with broad cuffs and 
ample skirts that reached tho biee; while on his 
left arm he wore a band of orape in mourning for his 
father, of whose death he had heard a few days before. 

James Wolfe was in his thirty-third year. His 
father was an officer of distinction, Major-Gonoral 
Edward Wolfe, and he himself, a delicate and sensi- 
tive child, but an impetuous and somewhat head- 
strong youth, had served the King since the age of 
fifteen. Erom childhood he had dreamed of the army 

1727-1769.] ms EARLY LIFE. 25 

and the wars. At sixteen he was in Flanders, adja-< 
taut of his regiment, discharging the duties of the post 
in a way that gained him early promotion and, along 
with a painstaking assiduity, showing a precocious 
faculty for commanding men. He passed with credit 
through several campaigns, took part in the viotoiy 
of Dettingen, and then went to Scotland to fight at 
CuUoden. Next we find him at Stirling, Perth, and 
Glasgow, always ardent and always diligent, con- 
stant in military duty, and giving his spare hours to 
mathematics and Latin. He presently fell m love; 
and being disappointed, plunged into a variety of 
dissipations, contraiy to his usual habits, which 
were far above the standard of that profligate time. 

At twenty-three he was a lieutenant-colonel, com- 
manding his regiment in the then dirty and barbarous 
town of Inverness, amid a disaffected and turbulent 
population whom it was his duty to keep in order: a 
difficult task, which he accomplished so well as to 
gain the special commendation of the King, and even 
the goodwill of the Highlanders themselves. He 
was five years among these northern hills, battling 
with ill-health, and restless under the intellectual 
barrenness of his surroundings. He felt his position 
to be in no way salutary, and wrote to his mother; 
“ The fear of becoming a mere ruffian and of imbibing 
the tyranmeal principles of an absolute commander, 
or giving way insensibly to the temptations of power 
till I became proud, insolent, and intolerable, — these 
considerations will make me wish to leave the xegi- 

26 WOLFE. [1760-1769. 

ment before next winter; Umt by frequenting men 
above myself I may know my true condition, and by 
disoouraing with the other sex may learn some civil- 
ity and mildness of carriage.” He got leave of 
a^ence, and spent six montlis in Paris, whore he 
was presented at court and saw much of tlio best 
society. This did not prevent him from working 
hard to perfect himself in French, as well as m horse- 
manship, fencing, dancing, and other accomplish- 
ments, and from earnestly seeking an opportunity to 
study the various armies of Europe. In this he was 
thwarted by the stupidity and prejudice of tJie com- 
mander-in-chief; and he made what amends he could 
by extensive reading in all that bore on military 

His martial instincts were balanced by strong 
domestic inclinations. Ho was fond of children; and 
after his disappointment in love used to say that 
they were tlie only true inducement to luarriago. He 
was a most dutiful son, and wrote contimially to both 
his parents. Sometimes ho would philosophiae on 
the good and iU of life; sometimes he hold question- 
ings with his conscience; and once ho wrote to his 
mother in a strain of self-acousation not to he expected 
from a bold and determined soldier. His nature was 
a compound of tenderness and fire, which last some- 
times showed itself in sharp and unpleasant flashes. 
His excitable temper was capable almost of fierce- 
ness, and he could now and then be needlessly stern; 
but towards his father, mother, and friends he was a 

1760-1759.] HIS CHAEACTER 27 

model of steady affection. He made Mends readily, 
and kept them, and was usually a pleasant compan- 
ion, though subject to sallies of imperious irritability 
which occasionally broke through his strong sense of 
good breeding. For this his susceptible constitution 
was largely answerable, for he was a living barometer, 
and his spirits rose and fell with every change of 
weather. In spite of his impatient outbursts, the 
officers whom he had commanded remained attached 
to him for life; and, in spite of his rigorous disci- 
plme, he was beloved by his soldiers, to whose com- 
fort he was always attentive. Frankness, directness, 
essential good feelmg, and a high integrity atoned 
for all his faults. 

In his own view, as expressed to his mother, he 
was a person of very moderate abilities, aided by 
more than usual diligence; but this modest judg- 
ment of himseK by no means deprived him of self- 
confidence, nor, in time of need, of self-assertion. 
He dehghted in every kind of hardihood; and, ih his 
contempt for effeminacy, once said to his mother: 
“Better be a savage of some use than a gentle, 
amorous puppy, obnoxious to all tlie woild.” He 
was far from despising fame; but the controlling 
principles of his hfe were duty to his country and 
his piofeasion, loyalty to the King, and fidelity to 
his own ideal of the perfect soldier. To the parent 
who was die confidant of his most intimate thoughts 
he said: “All that I wish for myself is that I may at 
all times be ready and firm to meet that fate we can- 




not shun, and to die gracefully and properly when 
the hour comes.” Never was wish more signally 
fulfilled. Again he tells her: “My utmost desire 
and ambition is to look steadily upon danger;” and 
his desire was accomplished. Ilis intrepidity was 
complete. No form of deatli had power to daunt 
him. Once and again, when bound on some deadly 
enterprise of war, he calmly counts Uie chances 
whether or not he can compel his fooble body to 
bear him on till the work is done. A frame so 
dehoately strung could not have been insensible to 
danger; but forgetfulness of self, and tlie absorption 
of every faculty in the object before lumj shut out 
the sense of fear. He seems always to have boon at 
his best in the thick of battle; most complete in his 
mastery over himself and over others. 

But it is in the intimacies of domestic life that one 
sees him moat closely, and especially in his letters to 
his mother, from whom ho iiihoritod his frail con- 
stitution, without the beauty that distinguished her. 
“The greatest happiness tliat I wish for here is to 
see you happy." “If you stay much at home, I will 
oome and shut myself up wiili you for tliree weeks 
or a month, and play at piquet from morning till 
night; and you shall laugh at my short red hair as 
much as you please.” The playing at piquet was a 
sacrifice to filial attachment; for Uio mother loved 
cards, and the son did not. “Don’t trouble yourself 
about my room or my bedclothes; too much care and 
delicacy at this time would enervate me and complete 




the destructioii of a tottenng constitatiou. Such as 
it is, it must serve me now, and I ’ll make the best 
of it while it holds.” At the beginning of the war 
his father tried to dissuade him from offering his 
services on board the fleet; and he replies in a letter 
to Mrs. Wolfe: “It is no time to think of what is 
convenient or agreeable; that service is certainly the 
best m which we are the most useful. For my part, 
I am determined never to give myself a moment’s 
concern about the nature of the duty which His 
Majesty is pleased to order us upon. It will be a 
sufficient comfort to you two, as far as my person is 
concerned, — at least it will be a reasonable consola- 
tion, — to reflect that the Power which has hitherto 
preserved me may, if it be his pleasure, continue to 
do so; if not, that it is but a few days or a few years 
more or less, and that those who perish in their duty 
and m the service of their country die honorably.” 
Then he proceeds to give particular directions about 
his numerous dogs, for the welfare of which in his 
absence he provides with anxious soUcitude, especially 
for “my friend Osssar, who has great merit and much 

After the unfortunate expedition against Rochefort, 
when the board of general officers appointed to 
inquire into the affair were passing the highest 
encomiums upon his conduct, his parents were at 
Bath, and he took possession of their house at 
Blackheath, whence he wrote to his mother; “I lie 
in your chamber, dress in the General’s little parlor, 



[ 1760 - 1701 ). 

and dine where you did. The most perceptible 
difference and change of affairs (exclusive of the bad 
table I keep) is the number of dogs in the yard; but 
by coaxing Ball [his father's dog\ and rubbing his 
Imok witli my stick, I liavo reconciled him witli tlio 
new ones, and put tliem in some measure under las 

When about to sail on the expedition against 
Louisbourg, he was anxious for his paionts, and 
wrote to hia uncle. Major Wolfe, at Dublin: “I trust 
you will give the best advice to my mother, and such 
assistance, if it should be wanted, os the distance 
between you will permit. I mention tliis because the 
General seems to decline apace, and narrowly escaped 
being earned off in the spring, She, poor woman, 
is in a bad state of health, and needs the care of sumo 
friendly hand. She has long and painful lits of ill- 
ness, which by succession and inhoritanco arc likely 
to devolve on me, since I feel the early symplonis of 
them.” Of his friends Guy Carleton, afterwards 
Lord Dorchester, and George Wardo, the companion 
of his boyhood, he also asks help for his uiuthcr in 
his absence. 

His part in the taking of Louisbourg greatly 
increased his reputation. After Ins return ho went 
to Batli to recruit his health; and it scorns to have 
been here that he wooed and won Miss Katlierine 
Lowther, daughter of an ex-governor of Barbadoes, 
and Bister of the future Lord Lonsdale. A betrothal 
took place, and Wolfe wore her portrait till the 




mght before bis death. It was a little before tins 
engagement that he wrote to liis friend Lieutenant- 
Colonel Eickson: “I have this day signified to Mr. 
Pitt that he may dispose of my slight carcass as he 
pleases, and that I am ready for any undertaking 
within the compass of my skill and cunning. I am 
in a very bad condition both with the gravel and 
rheumatism; but I had much rather die than decline 
any kind of service that offers. If I followed my 
own taste it would lead me mto Germany. How- 
ever, it is not our part to choose, but to obey. My 
opmion is that I shall join the army in America.” 

Pitt chose him to command the expedition then 
fitting out against Quebec ; made him a major-general, 
though, to avoid giving offence to older officers, he, 
was to hold that rank in America alone; and per- 
mitted him to choose his own staff. Appointments 
made for merit, and not tlirough routine and patron- 
age, shocked the Duke of Newcastle, to whom a man 
like Wolfe was a hopeless enigma; and he told 
George II. that Pitt’s new general was mad. “ Mad 
is he?” returned the old King; “then I hope he will 
bite some others of my generals.” 

At the end of January the fleet was almost ready, 
and Wolfe wrote to his uncle Walter: “I am to act 
a greater part in tliis business than I wished. The 
backwardness of some of the older officers has in 
some measure forced the Government to come down 
so low. I shall do my best, and leave the rest to 
fortune, as perforce we must when there are not the 

32 WOLm 1.17S0. 

most commanding abilities. We expect to sail m 
about tliree woelffl. A Loudon life and little exercise 
disagrees cntiioly with me, but the soa still more. 
If I have health and constitution enough for the cam- 
paign, I shall think myself a luoky man; what 
happens afterwai'da is of no groat coiiseqiionce.” He 
sent to his mother an affectionate letter of farewell, 
went to Spithead, embarked with Admiml Saimdei’s 
in the ship “Neptune,” and set sail on the seven- 
teenth of February. In a few hours the whole 
squadron was at sea, tlie transports, the frigates, and 
the great line-of-battle ships, with their ponderous 
armament and their freight of rude humanity armed 
and trained for destmetiou; while on the heaving 
deck of the “Neptune,” wretched with seasickness 
and racked with pain, stood tlie gallant invalid who 
was master of it all. 

The fleet consisted of twenty-two ships-of-the-line, 
with frigates, sloops-of-war, and a groat number of 
transports. When Admiral Saunders arrived with 
his squadron off Louisbourg, he found the onti*anoo 
blocked by ice, and was forced to seek harborage at 
Halifax. The squadron of Admiral Holmes, which 
had sailed a few days earlier, proceeded to New 
York to take on board troops destined for the expe- 
dition, while the squadron of Admiral Duroll steered 
for the St. Lawrence to mteroept tlie expected ships 
from France. 

In May the whole fleet, except the ten ships with 
DureU, was united in the harbor of Louisbourg. 

1768.] HIS COLLEAGUES. 88 

Twelve thousand troops were to have been employed 
for the expedition; but several regiments expected 
from the West Indies were for some reason counter- 
manded, while the accessions from New York and 
the Nova Scotia garrisons fell far short of the looked- 
for numhora. Throe weeks before leaving Louis- 
bourg, Wolfe writes to his uncle Walter that he has 
an army of nine tliousand men. The actual number 
seems to have been somewhat less.^ “Our troops 
are good,” he informs Pitt; “and if valor can make 
amends for the want of numbers, we shall probably 

Three brigadiers, all in the early prime of life, 
held command under him: Monokton, Townshend, 
and Murray. They were all his superiors in birth, 
and one of them, Townshend, never forgot that he 
was so. “George Townshend,” says Walpole, “has 
thrust himself again into tho service; and, as far as 
wrongheadedness will go, is very proper for a hero.”* 
The same caustic writer says further that he was of 
“a proud, sullen, and contemptuous temper,” and 
that he “saw everything in an ill-natured and ndiou- 
lous light.” ® Though his perverse and envious dis- 
position made him a difficult colleague, Townshend 
had both talents and energy; as also had Monokton, 
the same officer who commanded at the capture of 
Beaus^ jour in 1766. 'Murray, too, was well matched 

1 See Cfrenvilh Ootretpondtnee , !. 306 

* Horace Walpole, Letters, in. 207 (ed. Cunningham, 1867). 

• Ibid, George II., li, 846. 

TOL. m. — 8 




to the work in hand, in spite of some lingering 
remains of youthful rashness. 

On the sixth of June the last ship of the fleet sailed 
out of Louisbourg harbor, the troops cheering and 
the officers drinking to the toast, “ British colors on 
every French fort, port, and garrison in America.” 
The ships that had gone before lay to till tlie whole 
fleet was reunited, and then all steered togetlier for 
the St. Lawrence. From the headland of Gape 
Egmont, the Micmao hunter, gazing far out over the 
sh immering sea, saw the horizon flecked with their 
canvas wings, as they bore northward on their errand 
of havoc. 

B'cTD.—For the material of tlte foregoing sketch of Wolfe I am 
indebtecl to Wright’s excellent Life of him and the numerous let- 
ters contained m it Several autograph letters which have escaped 
the notice of Mr, Wright are preserved In the Puhlio Ueoord Office. 
Tho following is a characteristic passage from one of these, wntton 
onboard tho "fioptune," at sea, on tlie sixth of June, tho day when 
the fleet sailed from Louisbourg. It is directed to a nobleman of 
high rank m the army, whoso name docs not appear, the address 
being lost (War Office Bocords* Noilh Amm ira, various, 1766-1703) 
“I have had tho honour to receive two letters from your Lordship, 
one of an old date, concerning my stay in this country [^sr t/is 
capture o/ Zomsbouiff], in answer to which I shall only say that tho 
Marshal told mo I was to return at tho end of tho campaign ; and 
as General Amheist had no other commands tlian to send me to 
winter at Halifax under the orders of an officer [BrtffaJier Lawrence\ 
who was but a few months before put over my licad, I thought it 
was much better to get into tho way of service and out of tlie way 
of bemg Insulted; and as tlio stylo of your Lordship’s letter is 
pretty strong, I must take tho liberty to inform you that , . . rather 
than receive orders in the Government [of Nova Scotia] from an 
officer younger than myself (though a very worthy man), I should 
ceitamly have desired leave to resign my commission; for as 1 

1766.] EVtDENCi). 86 

neither aek nor expect any favour, ao I never intend to aubmlt to 
any ill-usage whatsoever " 

Many other papers m the Public Record Office have been con- 
sulted in piepaiing the above chapter, including the secret instruc- 
tions of the King to Wolfe and to Saunders, and the letters of 
Amherst to 'Wolfe and to Pitt. Other correspondence touching the 
bime subjects is printed in Selectione fiomthe Public Documenti cf 
Nona SroUa, 441-460 Knox, Mante, and Entick are the best con- 
temporary printed sources. 

A story has gained currency respecting the last interview of 
'Wolfe with Pitt, in which he is said to have flourished his sword 
and boasted of what he would achieve This anecdote was told by 
Xord Temple, who was present at the interview, to Mr, Grrenville, 
who, many years after, told it to Earl Stanhope, by whom it was 
made pubhc That the incident underwent essential changes in 
the course of these transmissions, — which extended over more 
than half a century, for Earl Stanhope was not born till 1806,— 
can never be doubted by one who considers the known character 
of 'Wolfe, who may hare uttered some vehement expression, but 
who can never be suspected of gasconade. 




Vaddhbuil.— Plan op Ebpi!K 0]9. — STuctroTH op Mohtoai.m. 
— Aovanobop Womb — Bbitibh Sailobb.— Landivo op tub 
Enolirh. — D iPPicuLTiEB ubiobb them — Stobh. — Fireships. 
— CojjriBBifOB OP Fubhou Commanders. — Wolpb oocdpieb 
Point Levi — A Fotieb Nioht Attack. — Qubbeo bom- 
barded. — Wolpb at i ns Mortmoulnci. — SicinMisnEB. — Dan- 
ger OP iiiB Enombh Position. — Ei'Pepib op tub Bombard- 
ment. -- Desertion op Canadians. — Tub Bnomsk abovb 
Quebec.— SovBRiTiES or Wolpb. — Another Attbmi-t to 
BURN the Fleet — Desperati} P.nierpribd op Wolpb.— The 
HbioutbopMontmokenci. — Kefulsu op the Enolisii. 

In early spring tlio chiefs of Canada mol at Mont- 
real to settle a plan of defence. What at first they 
most dreaded was an advance of the enemy hy way 
of Lake Champlain. Bourlamaquo, with three bat- 
tahons, was ordered to take post at Ticondoroga, 
hold it if he could, or, if overborne by numbora, fall 
back to Isle-aux-Noix, at the outlot of the lake. La 
Come was sent with a sti’ong detachment to intrench 
himself at the head of the rapids of the St. Lawrence, 
and oppose any hostile movement from Lake Ontario. 
Every able-bodied man in the colony, and every boy 
who could fire a gun, was to be called to the field. 



1769 .] 

Yaudreuil sent a circular letter to fihe militia captains 
of all the parishes, with orders to read it to the 
parishioners. It exhorted them to defend their 
religion, their wives, their children, and their goods 
from the fury of the heretics; declared that he, the 
governor, would never yield up Canada on any terms 
whatever; and ordered them to join the army at 
once, leaving none behind but the old, the sick, the 
women, and the children.^ The bishop issued a 
pastoral mandate: “On every side, dearest brethren, 
the enemy is making immense preparations. His 
foices, at least six times more numerous than ours, 
are already in motion. Never was Canada in a state 
so critical and full of peril. Never were we so des- 
titute, or threatened with an attack so fierce, so 
general, and so obstinate. Now, in truth, we may 
say, more than ever before, that our only resource is 
in the powerful succor of our Lord. Then, dearest 
brethren, make every effort to deserve it. ‘ Seek first 
the kingdom of God; and all these things shall be 
added unto you.’” And he reproves their sins, 
exhorts them to repentance, and ordains processions, 
masses, and prayers.® 

Vaudreuil bustled and boasted. In May he wrote 
to the minister; “The zeal with which I am animated 
for the service of the King will always make me 

1 Mimotrts *ur h Canada, 1749-1760 

* I am indebted for a copy of tbii mandate to the kindnets of 
Abbd Bom. As printed by IDiox, it u somewhat different, though 
the spirit is the same. ' 

88 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

sumoiint the greatest obstacles. I am taking the 
most proper measures to give the enemy a good 
reception whenever he may attack us. I keep in 
view the defence of Quebec. I have given ordois 
in the parishes below to muster the inhabitants who 
are able to bear arms, and place women, childicn, 
cattle, and even hay and grain, m places of safety. 
Permit me, Monseigneur, to beg you to have the 
goodness to assure His Majesty tliat, to whatever 
hard extremity I may be reduced, my zeal will be 
equally ardent and indefatigable, and that I shall do 
the impossible to prevent our enemies from making 
progress in any direction, or, at least, to make them 
pay extremely dear for it.” * Then ho writes again 
to say that Amherst with a great army will, as he 
learns, attack Ticonderoga; tliat Bradstreet, with 
six thousand men, will advance to Lake Ontario; 
and that six thousand more will march to tlie Ohio. 
“Whatever progress they may make,” ho adds, “I 
am resolved to yield tliem nothing, but hold my 
ground even to annihilation.” Ho promises to do 
his best to keep on good terms wiUi Montcalm, and 
ends with a warm eulogy of Bigot.* 

It was in the midst of all these preparations that 
Bougainville arrived from France with news that a 
great fleet was on its way to attack Quebec. The 
town was filled with consternation mixed with sur- 
prise, for the Canadians had believed that the 

1 VtMdrmtl aw Mimitre, 8 Mai, 1769. 

1769 ] AKRIVAL OP CADET. 89 

dangerous navigation of the St. Lawrence would 
deter their enemies from the attempt. “ Everybody, ” 
writes one of them, “was stupefied at an enteiprise 
that seemed so bold.” In a few days a crowd of 
sails was seen approaching. They were not enemies, 
but friends. It was the fieet of the contractor 
Cadet, commanded by an officer named Kanon, and 
loaded with supplies for the colony. They anchored 
in the harbor, eighteen sail in all, and their arrival 
spread universal joy. Admiral Durell had come too 
late to intercept them, catching but three stragglers 
that had lagged behind the rest. Still others suc< 
ceeded in eludmg him, and before the first of June 
five more ships had come safely into port. 

When the news brought by Bougamville reached 
Montreal, nearly the whole force of the colony, 
except the detachments of Bourlamaque and La 
Come, was ordered to Quebec. Montcalm hastened 
thither, and Vaudreuil followed. The governor- 
general wrote to the minister in his usual strain, as 
if all the hope of Canada rested in him. Such, he 
says, was his activity, thai^ though very busy, he 
leached Quebec only a day and a half after Montcalm . 
and, on arriving, learned from his scouts that Eng- 
lish ships-of-war had abeady appeared at Isle-aux- 
Coudres. These were the squadron of Durell. “I 
expect,” Vaudreml goes on, “to be sharply attacked, 
and that our enemies will make their most powerful 
efforts to conquer this colony; but there is no ruse, 
no resource, no means which my zeal does not sug- 




gest lo lay snares for tliem, and finally, when the 
exigency demands it, to light them Avith an ardor, 
and even a lury, Avhioh exceeds the range of their 
ambitions designs. The troops, tlie Canadians, and 
the Indians are not ignorant of the resolution I luivo 
taken, and from which I shall not recoil under any 
circumstance whatever. The burghers of this city 
have already put their goods and fiuiuture in places 
of safety. The old men, women, and children hold 
themselves ready to leave town. My firmness is 
generally applauded. It has penetrated every heart; 
and each man says aloud: ‘ Canada, our native land, 
shall bury us under its ruins before we surrender to 
the English 1 ’ This is decidedly my own determina- 
tion, and I shall hold to it inviolably.” Ho launches 
into high praise of the contector Cadet, whoso zeal 
for the service of the King and the defence of the 
colony he declares to be triumphant over every difli- 
oulty. It is necessaiy, ho adds, that ample supphos 
of all kinds should be sent out in Uie autumn, with 
the distnbuiion of which Cadet offers to charge him- 
self, and to account for them at their first cost; but 
he does not say what prices his disinterested friend 
wiU compel the destitute Canadians to pay for them.^ 
Five battalions from France, nearly all the colony 
troops, and the nulitia from every part of Canada 
poured into Quebec, along with a thousand or more 
Indians, who, at the call of Vaudreuil, came to lend 
their scalping-knives to tlie defence. Such was the 
1 Vcmdrml ow Mimsire, 28 Moi, 1769. 


ardor of the people that boys of fifteen and men of 
eighty were to be seen in the camp Isle-anx-Coudres 
and Isle d’ Orleans were ordered to be evacuated, and 
an excited crowd on the rock of Quebec watched 
hourly for the approaching fleet. Days passed and 
weeks passed, yet it did not appear. Meanwhile 
Yaudreuil held council after council to settle a plan 
of defence. They were strange scenes: a crowd of 
officers of every rank, mixed pell-mell in a small 
room, pushing, shouting, elbowmg each other, inter- 
rupting each other; till Montcalm, in despair, took 
each aside after the meeting was over, and made him 
give his opinion in writing.' 

He himself had at first proposed to encamp the 
army on the plains of Abraham and the meadows of 
the St. Charles, making that river his line of defence ; * 
but he changed his plan, and, with the concurrence 
of Vaudreuil, resolved to post his whole force on the 
St. Lawrence below the city, with his right resting 
on the St. Charles, and his left on the Montmorenci. 
Here, accordingly, the trooi» and militia were sta- 
tioned as they arrived. Early in June, standing at 
the northeastern brink of the rock of Quebec, one 
could have seen the whole position at a glance. On 
the curving shore from the St. Charles to the rocky 
gorge of the Montmorenci, a distance of seven or 
eight miles, the whitewashed dwellings of the parish 

1 Journal du Si^e do Qutbee diposi i la BtbliotMque do Hartwell, 
on Anghtorre (Printed at Quebec, 1830 ) 

* Livre d’Ordiei, Dupoaition pour a’oppoier laHoecento. 

42 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1760 

of Beauport strolchod down the road in a double 
nhn.7‘T7, and the fields on botli sides wore studded with 
tents, huts, and Indian wigwams. Along the borders 
of the St. Lawrence, as far as the eye could distin- 
guish them, gangs of men were throwing up redoubts, 
batteries, and lines of intrenchment. About midway 
between the two extremities of tlio onoampmont ran 
the little river of Beauport; and on the rising ground 
just beyond it stood a largo stone house, round which 
the tents were tliioldy clustered; for here Montcalm 
had made his headquarters. 

A boom of logs chained together was drawn across 
the mouth of the St. Charles, which was further 
guarded by two hulks mounted with cannon. The 
bridge of Wts that crossed the stream nearly a mile 
above formed the chief communication between the 
city and the camp. Its head towards Beauport was 
protected by a strong and extensive eartliwork; and 
the banks of the stream on tlio Quebec side were also 
intrenched, to form a second line of defence in case 
the position at Beauport should be forced. 

In ihe city itself every gate, except the Palace 
Gate, which gave access to the bridge, was dosed 
and barricaded. A hundred and six cannon wore 
mounted on the walls. ^ A floating battery of twelve 
heavy pieces, a number of gunboats, eight fireships, 
and several flrerafts formed the river defences. The 
largest merchantmen of Kanon’s fleet wore sacrificed 

1 XhiB number was found after tho siege. Knox, ii. 16L Some 
Ztoch writeis make It much greater. 



1769 .] 

to make the fireships; and the rest, along -with the 
frigates that came with them, were sent for safety up 
tlie St. La\VTence beyond the river Richelieu, whence 
about a thousand of their sailors returned to man the 
batteries and gunboats. 

In the camps along the Beauport shore were about 
fourteen ' thousand men, besides Indians. The regu- 
lars held the centre ; the mihtia of Quebec and Three 
Rivers were on the right, and those of Montreal on 
the left. In Quebec itself there was a garrison of 
between one and two thousand men under the Cheva- 
her de Ramesay. Thus the whole number, mclud- 
ing Indians, amounted to more than sixteen thousand ; ^ 
and though the Canadians who formed the greater 
part of it were of little use in tho open field, they 
could be trusted to fight well behind intrenchments. 
Against this force, posted behind defensive works, 
on positions almost impregnable by nature, Wolfe 
brought less than nine thousand men available for 
operations on land.® The steep and lofty heights 
that lined the nver made the cannon of the ships for 
the most part useless, while the exigencies of the 
naval service forbade employing the sailors on shore. 
In two or three instances only, throughout the siege, 
small squads of them landed to aid in moving and 
working cannon; and the actual fighting fell to the 
troops alone. 

Vaudreuil and Bigot took up their quarters with 
the army. The governor-general had delegated the 
1 See Appendix, H * Ibid. 

44 WOLFE AT QUEBEC [1760. 

command of tho land-CorcoB to Montoalni, wlioni, in 
his own words, lio antliorizod “ to give orders every- 
where, provisionally.” IIis roliitious with him wore 
more than over auoninlons and critical; for while 
Vaudrouil, in virtue of his odice, had a light to 
supremo coininiuid, Montcalm, now a lioiitonant- 
goneral, hold a military grade far above him; and 
tlie governor, while always miting luinsolf down in 
Iris despatches as the head and front of ovory move- 
ment, had too little sclf-oonfidoneo not to leave the 
actual command in tho liands of his rival. 

Days and weelcs wore on, and tho first excitement 
gave way to restless impatience. Why did not the 
English come ? Many of the Canadians thought that 
Heaven would interpose and wreck tho English fleet, 
as it had wrecked that of Admiral Walker half a 
century before. There wore processions, jirayera, 
and vows towards this happy consummation. Food 
was scarce. Bigot and Cadet lived in luxuiy; fowls 
by thousands were fattened witli wheat for their 
tables, while tlio people wore put on rations of two 
ounces of bread a day.^ Duroll and his ships wore 
reported to bo still at Isle-aux-Coudros. Vaudreuil 
sent thither a party of Canadians, and they captured 
three midshipmen, who, says Montcalm, had gone 
ashore pewr polmonner, that is, on a lark. These 
youths were brought to Quebec, whore they increased 
the general anxiety by grossly exaggerating tlio 
English force. 

^ Mimoirei lur k Canada, 1740-170Q> 



At length it became known that eight English 
vessels were anchored in the north channel of 
Orleans, and on the twenty-first of June the masts 
of three of them could plainly be seen. One of the 
fireships was consumed in a vain attempt to burn 
them, and several firerafts and a sort of infernal 
machine were tned with no better success; the un- 
welcome visitors still held their posts. 

Meanwhile the whole English fleet had slowly 
advanced, piloted by Denis de Vitr^, a Canadian of 
good birth, captured at sea some time before, and 
now compelled to serve, under a threat of being 
hanged if he refused.^ Nor was he alone; for when 
Durell reached the place where the river pilots were 
usually taken on board, he raised a French flag to his 
mast-head, causing great rejoicings among the Cana- 
dians on shore, who thought that a fleet was come 
to their rescue, and that their country was saved. 
The pilots launched tlieir canoes and came out to 
the ships, where they were all made prisoners; then 
the French flag was lowered, and the red cross dis- 
played in its stead. The spectators on shore turned 
from joy to despair; and a priest who stood watching 
the squadron with a telescope is said to have dropped 
dead with the revulsion of feeling. 

Towards the end of June the main fleet was near 
the mountain of Cape Tourmente. The passage called 
the Traverse, between the Cape and the lower end 
of the Island of Orleans, was reputed one of the most 

^ Mtnumiil de Jean-Dam de Vitri au Trie-honorable WtUiam Pitt, 

46 WOLPE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

dangerous parts of tlio St. Lawrouoe; and as tlio 
ships sncoessively came up, Uie captivo pilots were 
put on hoard to cany them safely through, on pain 
of death. One of these men was assigned to the 
transport “Goodwill,” in which was Captain Knox, 
who spoke French, and who reports thus in his 
Diary: “Ho gasconaded at a most oxtravagant rate, 
and gave us to understand that it was much against 
his will that he was become an English pilot. The 
poor fellow assumed great latitude in his conversa- 
tion, and said ‘ he made no doubt that some of tlie 
fleet would return to England, but they should have 
a dismal tale to carry with thomi for Canada should 
be the grave of tlie whole army, and ho expected m a 
short time to see the walls of Quebec ornamented 
with English scalps.’ Had it not been in obedience 
to the Admiral, who gave orders that ho should not 
be ill-used, he would certainly have boon thrown 
overboard.” Tlio master of the transport was an old 
sailor named Killick, who despised the whole Gallic 
race, and had no mind to see his ship in charge of 
a Frenchman. “He would not let the pilot speak,” 
continues Knox, “but fixed his mate at the helm, 
charged him not to take orders from any person but 
himself, and going forward with his trumpet to the 
forecastle, gave the necessary instructions. All tliat 
could be said by the commanding officer and the 
other gentlemen on board was to no purpose; the 
pilot declared we should be lost, for that no French 
ship ever presumed to pass there without a pilot. 

1759 .] 



‘Ay, ay, my dear,’ replied our son of Neptune, ‘but, 
damn me, I ’U convince you that an Englishman shall 
go where a Frenchman dare not show his nose.’ The 
‘ Eichmond ’ frigate being close astern of us, tlie 
commanding officer called out to the captain and told 
him our oasej he inquired who the master was, and 
was answered from the forecastle by the man him- 
self, who told him ‘ he was old KiUiok, and that was 
enough.’ I went forward with this experienced 
marmer, who pointed out the channel to me as we 
passed ; showing me by the ripple and color of the 
water where there was any danger, and distinguish- 
ing the places where there were ledges of rocks (to 
me invisible) from banks of sand, mud, or gravel. 
He gave his orders with great unconcern, joked with 
the soundmg-boats which lay off on each side with 
different colored flags for our guidance } and when 
any of them called to him and pointed to the deepest 
water, he answered: ‘Ay, ay, my dear, chalk it 
down, a damned dangerous navigation, ehl If you 
don’t make a sputter about it you ’ll get no credit in 
England.’ After we had cleared this remarkable 
place, where the channel forms a complete zigzag, 
the master called to his mate to give the helm to 
somebody else, saying, ‘ Damn me if there are not a 
thousand places in the Thames fifty times moie 
hazardous than this ; 1 am ashamed that Englishmen 
should make such a rout about it.’ The Frenchman 
asked me if the captain had not been there before. 
1 assured him in the negative; upon which he viewed 

48 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

him with great attention, lifting at the same time his 
hands and eyes to heaven with astonishment and 

Vaudreuil was hlamed for not planting cannon at a 
certain plateau on the side of tho mountain of Capo 
Tourmente, where tho gunners would have been 
inacoessible, and whence they could have battered 
every passing ship with a plunging fire. As it was, 
the whole fleet sailed safely through. On the twenty- 
sixth they were all anchored off tho south shore of 
the Island of Orleans, a few miles from Quebec; and, 
wntes Knox, “hero we are entertained with a most 
agreeable prospect of a delightful country on eveiy 
side; windmills, watermills, churches, chapels, and 
compact farmhouses, all built with stone, and cov- 
ered, some with wood, and otliors with straw. Tho 
lands appear to bo evciywhoro well cultivated; and 
with the help of my glass I can discorn that they are 
sowed with flax, wheat, barley, peas, oto., and tho 
grounds ore enclosed with wooden pales. Tho 
weather to-day is agreeably warn. A light fog 
sometimes hangs over the highlands, but in the river 
we have a flne clear air. In tho curve of the river, 
while we were under sail, wo had a tmnsiont view 

> Others, as well as the pilot, wore astonishad. "Tlie enemy 
passed sixty ships of wor where wo hardly dniod risk n vessel 
of a hundred tons.” '‘Notwltiistanding all our piocautions, the 
English, wiHioiit any accident, by night, as well as by day, passed 
through It pA« Trawne\ their slups of sovonty and eighty guns, 
and even many of them together." FoudrswV a« Umxvtre, 22 
Octobrs, 1760. 


of a stupendous natural curiosity called the waterfall 
of Montmorenoi.” 

That night Lieutenant Meeoh, with forty New 
England rangers, landed on the Island of Orleans, 
and found a body of armed inhabitants, who tried to 
surround him. He beat them off, and took posses- 
sion of a neighboring farmhouse, where he remained 
till daylight; then pursued the enemy, and found 
that they had crossed to the north shore. The whole 
army now landed, and were drawn up on the beach, 
As they were kept there for some time, Knox and 
several brother officers went to visit the neighbor- 
ing church of St. Laurent, where they found a letter 
from the pariah priest, directed to “The "Wortliy 
Officers of the British Army,” praying that they 
would protect the sacred edifice, and also his own 
adjoining house, and adding, with somewhat need- 
less oivihty, that he wished they had come sooner, 
that they might have enjoyed the asparagus and 
radishes of his garden, now unhappily going to seed. 
The letter concluded with many compliments and 
good wishes, in which the Britons to whom they 
were addressed saw only “the frothy politeness so 
peculiar to the French.” The army marched west- 
ward and encamped. Wolfe, with his chief engi- 
neer, Major Mackellar, and an escort of light 
infantry, advanced to the extreme pomt of the 

Here he could see, in part, the desperate nature 
of the task he had undertaken. Before him, three 

VOl. Ill — 4 



[ 1759 . 

or four miles away, Quebec sat perched upon her 
roch, a congregation of stone houses, churches, 
palaces, convents, and hospitals; the green ti’ees of 
the Seminary garden and the spires of the Catliedral, 
the Ursulines, the Rficollets, and the Jesuits. Be- 
yond rose the loftier height of Cape Diamond, edged 
with palisades and capped with redoubt and parapet. 
Batteries frowned everywhere, the Ohilteau battery, 
the Clergy battery, the Hospital battery, on tlie rook 
above, and the Eoyal, Dauphin’s, and Queen’s 
batteries on the strand, where the dwellings and 
warehouses of the lower town clustered beneath 
the cliff. 

Full in Bight lay the far-extended camp of Mont- 
calm, stretching from the St. Charles, beneath the 
city walls, to the chasm and cataract of the Mont- 
morenci. From the cataract to the river of Beauport, 
its front was covered by earthworlcs along tlie brink 
of abrupt and lofty heights; and from the river of 
Beauport to the St. Charles, by broad flats of mud 
swept by the Are of redoubts, intrenchmonts, a float- 
ing battery, and the city itself. Above the city. 
Cape Diamond hid the view; but could Wolfe have 
looked beyond it, he would have beheld a prospect 
still more disheartening. Here, mile after mile, the 
St. Lawrence was walled by a range of steeps, often 
inaccessible, and always so diifloult that a few men 
at the top could hold an army in check; while at 
Cap-Rouge, about eight miles distant, the high 
plateau was cleft by the channel of a stream which 



formed a line of defence as strong as that of the 
Montmorenci. Quebec was a natural fortress. Eou- 
gainyille had long before examined tlie position, and 
reported that “ by the help of intrenchments, easily 
and quickly made, and defended by three or four 
thousand men, I think the city would be safe. I do 
not believe that the English will make any attempt 
against it; but they may have the madness to do so, 
and it is well to be prepared against surprise.” 

Not four thousand men, but four times four thou- 
sand, now stood in its defence; and their chiefs 
wisely resolved not to throw away the advantages of 
their position. Nothing more was heard of Vaudreuil’s 
bold plan of attacking the invaders at their landing, 
and Montcalm had declared that he would play the 
part, not of Hannibal, but of Fabius. His plan was 
to avoid a general battle, run no rislos, and protract 
the defence till the resources of the enemy were 
exhausted, or till approaching winter forced them to 
withdraw. Success was almost certain but for one 
contmgenoy. Amherst, with a force larger than 
that of Wolfe, was moving against Tioonderoga. If 
he should capture it, and advance into the colony, 
Montcalm would be forced to weaken his army by 
sending strong detachments to oppose him. Here 
was Wolfe’s best hope. This fading, his only chance 
was in audacity. The game was desperate; but, in- 
trepid gamester as he was in war, he was a man, in the 
last resort, to stake everything on the cast of the dice. 

The elements declared for France. On the after* 

62 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

noon of the day when Wolfe’s army landed, a violent 
squall swept over the St. Lawrence, dashed the ships 
together, drove several ashore, and destroyed many 
of the flat-boats from winch the troops had ]ust di.s- 
emharked. “I never saw so muoh distress among 
shipping in my whole hfo,” writes an ollicer to a 
friend in Boston. Fortunately the storm subsided 
as quickly as it rose. Vaudreuil saw that the hoped- 
for deliverance had failed ; and as the tempest had 
not destroyed the British fleet, he resolved to try the 
virtue of his fireships. “I am afraid,” says Mont- 
calm, “that they have cost us a million, and will be 
good for notiung after all.” This remained to be 
seen. Vaudreml gave the chief command of them 
to a naval officer named Delouchoj and on the even- 
ing of the twenty-oightli, after long consultation and 
much debate among their respective captains, tliey 
set sail togetlier at ten o’clock. The night was 
moonless and dark. In less than an hour they wore 
at the entrance of the north channel. Delouohe had 
been all enthusiasm; but as he neared tlie danger his 
nerves failed, and he set fire to his ship half an hour 
too soon, the rest following his example.^ 

There was an English outpost at tlie Point of 
Orleans; and, about eleven o’clock, the sentries 
descried through the gloom the ghostly outlines of 
the approaching ships. As they gazed, these myste- 
riouB strangers began to dart tongues of flame; fire 

1 Foligny, Journal •mtmaratif, VaudttuU an Miniatre, 6 Octobrtf 
1769. Journal du Stige (BibliotliSque de llartwell). 




ran like lightning up their masts and sails, and then 
they hurst out like volcanoes. Filled as they ■were 
■with pitch, tar, and every manner of combustible, 
mixed with fireworks, bombs, grenades, and old 
cannon, s^wivels, and muskets loaded to the throat, 
the effect was terrific. The troops at the Point, 
amazed at the sudden eruption, the din of the explo- 
sions, and the showers of grapeshot that rattled 
among the trees, lost their -wits and fled. The blaz- 
mg dragons hissed and roared, spouted sheets of fire, 
vomited smoke in black, pitchy volumes and vast 
illumined clouds, and shed their infernal glare on 
the distant city, the tents of Montcalm, and the long 
red lines of the British army, draw up in array 
of battle, lest the French should cross from tlieir 
encampments to attack them in tlie confusion. Knox 
calls the display “the grandest fireworks that can 
possibly be conceived.” Yet the fireships did no 
other harm than burning alive one of their own cap- 
tains and six or seven of his sailors who failed to 
escape m their boats. Some of them ran ashore before 
leaching the fleet; the others were seized by the 
intrepid English sailors, who, approaching m their 
boats, threw grappling-irons upon them and towed 
them towards land, till they s^wung round and 
stranded. Here, after venting their fury for a while, 
they subsided into quiet conflagration, which lasted 
till morning. Vaudreuil watched the result of his 
experiment from the steeple of the church at Beau- 
port; then returned, dejected, to Quebec. 

64 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

Wolfe longed to fight liis enemy; but his sagacious 
enemy would not gratify him. From the heights of 
Beauport, the rock of Quebec, or the summit of Cape 
Diamond, Montcalm could look down on the river 
and its shoi’es as on a map, and watch each move- 
ment of the invaders. He was hopeful, perhaps con- 
fident; and for a month or more he wrote almost 
daily to Bourlamaque at Ticonderoga, in a cheerful, 
and often a jocose vein, mingling orders and instruc- 
tions with pleasantries and bits of news. Yet his 
vigilance was unceasing. “We pass every night in 
bivouac, or else sleep in our clothes. Perhaps you 
are doing as much, my dear Bourlaniaque.”i 

Of the two commanders, Vaudreuil was the more 
sanguine, and professed full faith that all would go 
well. He too corresponded with Bourliimaquo, to 
whom he gave his opinion, founded on the reports of 
deserters, that Wolfe had no chance of success unless 
Amherst should come to his aid. This he pronounced 
impossible; and he expressed a strong desire that 
the English would attack him, “so that we may rid 
ourselves of them at once.”® Ho was courageous, 
except in the immediate presence of danger, and 
failed only when the crisis came. 

Wolfe, held in check at every otlier point, had one 
movement in his power. He could seize tlie heights 
of Point Levi, opposite the oily; and this, along with 

^ Mmawlm & Bourhmwjue, 27 Juin, 1760, All these letters are 
before me 

* Vaudreuil h Bourlamaque, 8 JuiUet, 1760 




his occupation of the Island of Orleans, -would give 
him command of the Basin of Quebec. Thence also 
he could fire on the place across the St. La-wence, 
which is here less than a mile wide. The movement 
was begun on the afternoon of the twenly-ninth, 
when, shivering in a north wind and a shai^ frost, 
a part of Monckton’a brigade was ferried over to 
Beaumont, on the south shore, and the rest followed 
in the morning. The rangers had a brush with a 
party of Canadians, whom they drove off, and the 
regulars then landed unopposed. Monckton ordered 
a proclamation, signed by Wolfe, to be posted on the 
door of the parish church. It called on the Cana- 
dians, in peremptoiy terms, to stand neutral in the 
contest, promised them, if they did so, full protection 
in property and rehgion, and threatened that, if they 
presumed to resist the invaders, their houses, goods, 
and harvests should be destroyed, and their churches 
despoiled. As soon as the troops were out of sight 
the inhabitants took down the placard and carried it 
to Vaudreuil. 

The brigade marched along the river road to Point 
Levi, drove off a body of French and Indians posted 
in the church, and took possession of the houses and 
the surrounding heights. In the morning they were 
intrenching themselves, when they were greeted by a 
brisk fire from the edge of the woods. It came 
from a pariy of Indians, whom the rangers presently 
put to flight, and, imitating their o-wn ferocity, 
scalped nine of them. Wolfe came over to the camp 

66 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1760. 

on the next day, went with an escort to the heights 
opposite Quebec, examined it with a spy-glass, and 
chose a position from which to bombard it. Cannon 
and mortars were brought ashore, fascines and 
gabions made, intrenohments thrown up, and bat- 
ieiies planted. Knox came over from the main 
camp, and says that he had “a most agreeable view 
of the city of Quebec. It is a very fair object for 
our artillery, particularly the lower town.” But 
why did Wolfe wish to bombard it? lis fortifications 
were but little exposed to Ms Bre, and to knock its 
houses, convents, and churches to pieces would bring 
him no nearer to his object. His guns at Point Levi 
oould destroy the city, but could not capture it; yet 
doubtless they would have good moral effect, dis- 
courage the French, and cheer his own soldiera 
with the flattermg belief that tlioy wore achieving 

The guns of Quebec showered balls and bombs 
upon his worlanen; but they still toiled on, and tlie 
French saw die fatal batteries fast growing to com- 
pletion. The citizens, alarmed at tlio tlireatened 
destruction, begged the governor for leave to cross 
the river and dislodge their assailants. At lengtli he 
consented. A party of twelve or fifteen hundred 
was made up of armed burghers, Canadians from the 
camp, a few Indians, some pupils of the Seminary, 
and about a hundred volunteers from the regulars. 
Dumas, an experienced officer, took command of 
them; and, going up to Siilery, they crossed the 

1769.] A NIGHT ATTACK, 6T 

river on the night of the twelfth of July. They had 
haidly climhed the heights of the south shore when 
they grew exceedingly nervous, though the enemy 
was still three miles off. The Seminary scholars 
fired on some of their own party, whom they mistook 
for English; and the same mishap was repeated a 
second and a third time. A panic seized the whole 
body, and Dumas could not control them. They 
turned and made for their canoes, rolling over each 
other as they rushed down the heights, and reap- 
peared at Quebec at six in the morning, overwhelmed 
with despair and shame.^ 

The presentiment of the unhappy burghers proved 
too true. The English batteries fell to their work, 
and the families of the town fled to the country for 
safely. In a single day eighteen houses and the 
cathedral were burned by exploding shells; and 
fiercer and fiercer the storm of fire and iron hailed 
upon Quebec. 

Wolfe did not rest content with distressing his 
enemy. With an ardor and a daring that no diffi- 
culties could cool, he sought means to strike an 
effective blow. It was nothing to lay Quebec in 
ruins if he could not defeat the army that protected 

1 de la Guerre en Canada (llist Soc Quebec, 1861), 

Mdmoires stir le Canada, 1749-1760 Vaudieuil an Mmistre, 6 Octo- 
bie, 1759. L’Abedle, ii No, 14 fa publication of the Quebec Sem 
inary), Jtmned du Siige de Queber (Bibliothtque de Hartwell), 
Fanet, Journal du Si^e Foligny, Journal mdmoratif Memuii’i of 
the Siege of Quebec, by John Johnson, Clerk and Quartermaster-Sergeant 
to the Fifty-eighth Regiment. 




it. To land from boats and attack Montcalm in 
front, through the mud of the Beauporl flats or up 
the heights along the neighboring shoTO, was an 
enterprise too rash even for his temerity. It might, 
however, be possible to land below the cataract of 
Montmorenci, cross that stream higher up, and strike 
the French army in flank or rear; and he had no 
sooner secured liis positions at the points of Levi and 
Orleans, than he addressed himself to this attempt. 

On the eighth several frigates and a bomb-ketch 
took their stations before the camp of the Chevalier 
de Ldvis, who, with his division of Canadian militia, 
occupied the heights along the St. Lawrence just 
above the cataract. Here they shelled and can- 
nonaded him all day; though, from liis elevated 
position, with very little effect. Towards evening 
the troop on the Point of Orleans broke up their 
Damp. Major Hardy, with a detachment of marines, 
was left to hold fcliat post, while the rest embarked at 
night in the boats of the fleet. They were the bri- 
gades of Townshend and Murray, consisting of five 
battalions, with a body of grenadiers, light infantry, 
and rangers, — in all three thousand men. They 
landed before daybreak in front of the parish of 
L’Ange Gardien, a little below the cataract. The 
only opposition was from a troop oC Canadians and 
Indians, whom they routed, after some loss, climbed 
the heights, gained the plateau above, and began to 
intrench themselves. A company of rangers, sup- 
ported by detachments of regulars, was sent into the 


neighboring forest to protect the parties who were 
cutting fascines, and apparently, also, to look for a 

Ldvis, with his Scotch- Jacobite aide-de-camp, 
Johnstone, had watched the movements of Wolfe 
from the heights across the cataract. Johnstone says 
that he asked his commander if he was sure there 
was no ford higher up on the Montmorenci, by which 
the English could cross. L^vis averred that there 
was none, and that he himself had examined the 
stream to its source; on which a Canadian who stood 
by whispered to the aide-de-camp; “The general is 
mistaken; there is a ford.” Johnstone told this to 
L^vis, who would not believe it, and so browbeat the 
Canadian that he dared not repeat what he had said. 
Johnstone, taking him aside, told him to go and find 
somebody who had lately crossed the ford, and bring 
him at once to the general’s quarters; whereupon 
he soon reappeared with a man who affirmed that he 
had crossed it the night before with a sack of wheat 
on his back. A detachment was immediately sent 
to the place, with orders to intrench itself, and 
Bepentigny, lieutenant of L4vis, was posted not far 
off with eleven hundred Canadians. 

Four hundred Indians passed the ford under the 
partisan Langlade, discovered Wolfe’s detachment, 
hid themselves, and sent their commander to tell 
Bepentigny that there was a body of English in the 
forest, who might all be destroyed if he would come 
over at once with his Canadians. Bepentigny sent 

60 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

for orders to L4vis, and L^vis sent for orders to 
Vaudreml, whoso quarters were three or four nnles 
distant. Vaudieuil aiiswored that no risk should he 
run, and tliat he would come and see to the matter 
himself. It was about two hours before ho arrived; 
and meanwhile the Indians grew impatient, rose from 
their hiding-place, fired on the rangeis, and drove 
them hack with heavy loss upon tlie regulars, who 
stood their ground, and at last repulsed the assail- 
ants. The Indiims rocrossod the ford with thiriy-six 
scalps. If Repentigny had advanced, and Ldvis had 
followed with his mam body, the consequences to 
the English might have been serious; for, as John- 
stone lemarks, “ a Canadian m tlie woods is worth 
three disciplined soldiers, as a soldier in a plain is 
worth three Canadians.” Vaudiouil caUod a council 
of war. The question was whether an effort sliould 
be made to dislodge Wolfe’s main force. Montcalm 
and the governor weiu tliis time of one mind, and 
both thought it inexpedient to attack, with militia, a 
body of regular troops whoso numbers and position 
were imperfectly known. Bigot gave his voice for 
the attack. He was overruled, and Wolfe was left 
to fortify himself in peace.* 

His occupation of the heights of Montmorenoi 

1 The ahove is fiom a oompanson of the rather discordant ao- 
oounts of Johnstone, tho Jownaltenui fArmeo, tho Jownaloi Fanet, 
and that of the Hartwell Library, The hist says that Ltfvis crossed 
the Montmorenoi. If so, he aooomplishod notlunff. This nflair 
should not be confounded with a somewhat similar one which took 
place on the twenty-sixth. 




exposed him to great risks. The left wing of his 
army at Point Levi was six miles from its right wing 
at the cataract, and Major Hardy’s detachment on 
the Point of Orleans was between them, sepai'ated 
from each hy a wide arm of the St. Lawrence. Any 
one of the three camps might be overpowered before 
the others could support it; and Hardy with his 
small force was above all in danger of being out to 
pieces. But the French kept persistently on the 
defensive ; and after the failure of Dumas to dislodge 
the English from Point Levi, Vaudreuil would not 
hear of another such attempt. Wolfe was soon well 
intrenched ; but it was easier to defend himself than 
to stnke at his enemy. Montcalm, when urged to 
attack him, is said to have answered; “Let him 
amuse himself where he is. If we drive him off, he 
may go to some place where he can do us harm.” 
His late movement, however, had a discouraging 
effect on the Canadians, who now for the first time 
began to desert. His batteries, too, played across 
the chasm of Montmorenci upon the left wing of the 
French army with an effect extremely annoying. 

The position of the hostile forces was a remarkable 
one. They were separated by the vast gorge that 
opens upon the St. Lawrence; an amphitheatre of 
lofty precipices, their brows crested with forests, and 
Iheir steep brown sides scantily feathered with 
stunted birch and fir. Into this abyss leaps the 
Montmorenci with one headlong plunge of nearly 
two hundred and fifty feet, a liviiig column of snowy 



[ 1769 , 

white, with its spray, its foam, its mists, and its rain- 
bows , then spreads itself in broad, thin sheets over a 
floor of rock and gravel, and creeps tamely tc tlie St. 
Lawrence. It was but a gunshot across the gulf, 
and the sentinels on each side watched each otliei 
over the roar and turmoil of tlie cataract. Captain 
Knox, coming one day from Point Levi to receive 
orders from Wolfe, improved a spare hour to visit 
this marvel of natoe. “I had very nigh paid dear 
for my inquisitiveness; for wliile I stood on the 
eminence I was hastily called to by one of our senti- 
nels, when, throwing my eyes about, I saw a French- 
man creeping under the eastern extremity of their 
breastwork to fire at me. This obliged me to retire 
as fast as I could out of his reach, and, making up 
to the sentry to tliank him Jor his attention, ho told 
me the fellow had snapped his piece twice, and the 
second time it flashed in the pan at tlie instant I 
turned away from the Fall.” Another officer, less 
fortunate, had a leg broken by a shot from the oppo- 
site cliffs. 

Day after day went by, and the invaders made no 
progress. Flags of truce passed often between Hie 
hostile camps. “You will demolish Uie town, no 
doubt,” said the bearer of one of them, “but you 
shall never get inside of it.” To which Wolfe 
replied; “Iwill have Quebec if I stay here till the 
end of November.” Sometimes the heat was intense, 
and sometimes there were floods of summer rain that 
inundated tlie tents. Along the river, from the 


Montmorenoi to Point Levi, there Tvere ceaseless 
artillery fights between gunboats, frigates, and bat- 
teries on shore. Bands of Indians infested the out- 
skirts of the camps, killing sentries and patrols. The 
rangers chased them through the woods; there were 
brisk skirmishes, and scalps lost and won. Some- 
times the regulars took part in these forest battles ; 
and once it was announced, m orders of the day, that 
“the General has ordered two sheep and some rum 
to Captain Cosnan’s company of grenadiers for the 
spint they showed this mommg in pushing those 
scoundrels of Indians.” The Indians complained 
that the British soldiers were learning how to fight, 
and no longer stood still m a mass to be shot at, as 
in Braddock’s time. The Canadian cmrewrs de hois 
mixed with their red allies and wore their livery. 
One of them was caught on the eighteenth. He was 
naked, daubed red and blue, and adorned with a 
bunch of painted feathers dangling from the top of 
his head. He and his companions used the scalping- 
kmfe as freely as the Indians themselves; nor were 
the New England rangers much behmd them in this 
respect, till an order came from Wolfe forbidding 
“the inhuman practice of scalping, except when the 
enemy are Indians, or Canadians dressed like Indians.” 

A part of the fleet worked up mto the Basin, 
beyond the Point of Orleans; and here, on the warm 
summer nights, officers and men watched the cannon 
flashing and thundering from the heights of Mont- 
morenci on one side, and those of Point Levi on the 

64 WOLl'K AT (iUJiUEC. [1769. 

other, and the bomhs sailing through the air in fiery 
semi-circles. Often the gloom was lighted up by 
the blaze of the burning houses of Quebec, Idndlcd 
by mcendiaiiy shells. Both the lower and the upper 
town were nearly desei-tod by the inhabitants, some 
retreating into tlie country, and some into the suburb 
of St. Rooh; while the Ursuhnes and Hospital nuns 
abandoned them convents to seek harborage beyond 
the range of shot. The city was a prey to robbers, 
who pillaged the empty houses, till an order came 
from headquarters promising the gallows to all who 
should be caught. News reached the French that 
Niagara was attacked, and that the army of Amherst 
was moving against Ticonderoga. The Canadians 
deserted more and more. They were disheartened 
by the defensive attitude in which both Vaudreuil 
and Montcalm steadily peraisted; and accustomed as 
they were to rapid raids, sudden strokes, and a quick 
return to their homes, they tired of long weeks of 
inaction. The English patrols caught one of them 
as he was passing the time in fishing. “ He seemod 
to be a subtle old rogue,” says Knox, “of seventy 
years of age, as he told us. Wo plied him well with 
port wine, and then his heai’t was more open; and 
seeing that we laughed at the exaggerated accounts 
he had given us, he said he ‘ wished the affair was 
well over, one way or the other; that his countrymen 
were all discontented, and would either surrender, or 
disperse and act a neutral part, if it were not for the 
persuasions of their priests and the fear of being 


maltreated by the savages, with whom they are 
threatened on all occasions.’ ” A deserter reported 
on the nineteenth of July that nothing but dread 
of the Indians kept the Canadians in the camp. 

Wolfe’s proclamation, at first unavailing, was now 
taking effect. A large number of Canadian prisoners, 
brought in on the twenty-fifth, declared that their 
countrymen would gladly accept his offers but for 
the threats of their commanders that if they did so 
the Indians should he set upon them. The prisoners 
said further that “they had been under apprehension 
for several days past of havmg a body of four hun- 
dred barbanans sent to nfle Iheir parish and habita- 
tions.” ^ Such threats were not wholly effectual. A 
French chromoler of the time says : “ The Canadians 
showed their disgust eveiy day, and deserted at every 
opportunity, in spite of the means taken to prevent 
them.” “The people were intimidated, seeing all 
our army kept in one body and solely on the defen- 
sive; while the English, though far less numerous, 
divided their forces, and imdertook various bold 
enteiprises without meetmg resistance.”* 

On the eighteenth the English acomplished a feat 
which promised important results. The French com- 
manders had thought it impossible for any hostile 
ship to pass the batteries of Quebec; but about 
eleven o’clock at night, favored by the wind, and 
covered by a furious cannonade from Point Levi, the 

1 Knox, i 847 ; compare pp 889, 841, 346 
* Jomnal da Siegt (BibUothSque de Hartwell), 

VOL. 111.— '6 

66 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769, 

ship “Sutherland,” with a frigate and sevoral small 
vessels, sailed safely by and reached tlie river above 
the town. Here they at once attacked and destroyed 
a fireship and some small craft that they found there. 
Now, for the first time, it became necessary for 
Montcalm to weaken his army at Beauport by send- 
ing six hundred men, under Dumas, to defend the 
accessible points in the line of precipices between 
Quebec and Oap-Eouge. Several hundred more were 
sent on the next day, when it became known that the 
English had dragged a fleet of boats over Point Levi, 
launched them above the town, and despatched 
troops to embark in them. Thus a new feature was 
introduced into the siege operations, and danger had 
risen on a side where the French thought thomsolvos 
safe. On the otlior hand, Wolfe liad become more 
vulnerable than ever. His army was now divided, 
not into tliree parts, but into four, each so far from 
the rest that, in case of sudden attack, it must defend 
itself alone. That Montcalm did not improve his 
opportunity was apparently due to want of confidence 
in his militia. 

The force above the town did not lie idle. On 
the night of the twentieth. Colonel Oarleton, with 
six hundred men, rowed eighteen miles up llie nver, 
and landed at Pointe-aux-Trembles, on the north 
shore. Here some of the families of Quebec had 
sought asylum ; and Wolfe had been told by prisoners 
that not only were stores in great quantity to be 
found here, but also lettem and papers tluowing 

ais SEVEEIl'lES. 


175 &] 

light ou the French plans. Carleton and his men 
drove off a hand of Indians who fired on them, and 
spent a quiet day around the parish church, hut 
found few papers, and still fewer stores. They with- 
drew towards evemng, carrying with them nearly a 
hundred women, children, and old men; and they 
were no sooner gone than the Indians returned to 
plunder the empty houses of their unfortunate allies. 
The prisoners were ti'eated with great kindness. 
The ladies among them ivere entertained at supper 
by Wolfe, who jested with them on the caution of 
the French generals, saying; “I have given good 
chances to attack me, and am surprised that they 
have not profited by them.”^ On the next day the 
prisoners were all sent to Quebec under a flag of 

Thus far Wolfe had refrained from executing the 
threats he had affixed the month before to the church 
of Beaumont. But now he issued another proclama- 
tion. It declared that the Canadians had shown 
themselves unworthy of the offers he had made them, 
and that he had therefore ordered his light troops to 
ravage their countiy and bring them prisoners to his 
camp. Such of the Canadian militia as belonged to 
the panshes near Quebec were now in a sad dilemma ; 
for Montcalm threatened them on one side, and 
Wolfe^ on the other. They might desert to their 
homes, or they might stand by their colors; in the 

1 Journal tenu b VArmSt gue commandott Jeu M. It Mat gutt (ft 



[ 1769 . 

one case their houses were to be burned by French 
savages, and in the otlier by British light infantry. 

Wolfe at once gave orders in accord with his late 
proclamation; but he commanded that no church 
should be profaned, and no woman or child injured. 
The first effects of his stem policy are thus recorded 
by Knox: “Major Dalhng’s light infantry brought 
in this afternoon to our camp two hundred and fifty 
male and female prisoners. Among this number was 
a very respectable looking priest, and about forty 
men fit to bear arms. There was almost an equal 
number of black cattle, with about seventy sheep and 
lambs, and a few horses. Brigadier Monckton enter- 
tained the reverend father and some other fashionable 
personages in his tent, and most humanely ordered • 
refreshments to all the rest of the captives; which 
noble example was followed by the soldieiy, who 
generously crowded about those unhappy people, 
sharing their provisions, rum, and tobacco witli 
them. They were sent in the evening on board of 
transports in the river.” Again, two days later: 
“Colonel Fraser’s detachment returned this morning, 
and presented us with more scenes of distress and 
the dismal consequences of war, by a great number of 
wretched families, whom they brought in prisoners, 
with some of their effecte, and near three hundred 
black cattle, sheep, hogs, and horses.” 

On the next night the attention of the excellent 
journalist was otherwise engaged. Vaudreuil tried 
again to bum the English fleet. “Late last night,” 



1769 .] 

-writes Knox, under date oS. the twenty-eighth, “the 
enemy sent down a mc»t formidable fireraft, which 
consisted of a parcel of sohooners, shallops, and 
stages chained together. It could not be less than a 
hundred fathoms in length, and was covered with 
grenades, old swivels, gun and pistol barrels loaded 
up to their muzzles, and various other inventions and 
combustible matters. This seemed to be their last 
attempt against our fleet, which happily miscarried, 
as before; for our gallant seamen, -with their usual 
expertness, grappled them before they got do-wn 
above a third part of the Basin, towed them safe to 
shore, and left them at anchor, continually repeating, 
All 's well. A remarkable expression from some of 
these intrepid souls to their comrades on this occa- 
sion I must not omit, on account of its singular 
unoouthness; namely: ‘Damme, Jack, didst thee 
ever take hell in tow before?’ ” 

According to a French account, this aquatic infer- 
nal machine consisted of seventy rafts, boats, and 
schooners. Its failure was due to no shortcoming 
on the part of its conductors; who, under a brave 
Canadian named Courval, acted -with coolness and 
resolution. Nothing saved the fleet but the courage 
of the sailors, swarming out in their boats to fight 
the approaching conflagration. 

It was now the end of July. More than half the 
summer was gone, and Quebec seemed as far as ever 
beyond the grasp of Wolfe. Its buildings were in 
ruins, and the neighboring parishes were burned and 

70 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1760. 

ravaged} but its living rampait, the army of Mont- 
calm, still lay m patient dedance along the shores 
of Beauport, while above the city eveiy point where 
a wildcat could climb the precipices was watched 
and guarded, and Dumas with a thousand niou held 
the impregnable heights of Cap-Rouge. Montcalm 
persisted in doing nothing that his enemy wished 
him to do. Ho would not fight on Wolfe’s terms, 
and Wolfe resolved at last to fight him on his own; 
that IS, to attach his camp in fi'oiit. 

The plan was desperate; for, after leaving troops 
enough to hold Point Levi and the heights of Mont- 
morenci, less than five thousand men would be left to 
attack a position of commanding strength, where 
Montcalm at an hour’s notice could collect twice as 
many to oppose them. But Wolfe had a boundless 
trust in the disciplined valor of his soldiers, and an 
utter scorn of the militia who made the greater part 
of his enemy’s force. 

Towards the Montmorenci the borders of the St. 
Lawrence are, as we have seen, extremely high and 
steep. At a mile from tlie gorge of the cataract there 
is, at high tide, a strand, about the eighUi of a luiie 
wide, between the foot of tliese heights and the river ; 
and beyond this strand the receding tide lays bare 
a tract of mud nearly half a mile wide. At the edge 
of the dry ground the French had built a redoubt 
mounted with cannon, and there were other similar 
woiks on the strand a quarter of a mile nearer the 
cataract. Wolfe could not see from the river that 



these redoubts were commanded by the musketry of 
the intrenclmients along the brink of the heights 
above. These intrenchments were so constructed 
that they swept with cross-fires the whole face of the 
dechvity, which was covered with grass, and was very 
steep. WoHe hoped that, if he attacked one of the 
redoubts, the French would come down to defend it, 
and so bring on a general engagement; or, if they 
did not, that he should gain an opportunity of recon- 
noitring the heights to find some point where they 
could be stormed with a chance of success. 

In front of the gorge of the Montmorenci there was 
a ford during several hours of low tide, so that 
troops from the adjoining English camp might cross 
to co-operate with their comrades landmg in boats 
from Point Levi and the Island of Orleans. On the 
momiiig of the thirty-first c|E July, the tide then 
being at the flood, the French saw the ship “ Centu- 
rion,” of sixty-four guns, anchor near the Mont- 
morenoi and open fire on the redoubts. Then two 
armed transports, each of fourteen guns, stood in as 
close as possible to the first redoubt and fired upon 
it, strandmg as the tide went out, till in the after- 
noon they lay bare upon the mud. At the same 
time a battery of moie than forty heavy pieces, 
planted on the lofly promontory beyond the Mont- 
moienci, began a furious cannonade upon the fiank of 
the French intrenchments. It did no great harm, 
however, for the works were protected by a great 
number of traverses, which stopped the shot; and 

72 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1750. 

the Canadians, who manned this part of the lines, 
held their ground with excellent steadiness. 

About eleven o’clock a fleet of boats fllled with 
troops, cliiefly from Point Lovi, appeared in the river 
and hovered off tlie shoi'e west of the parish church 
of Beauport, as if ineamng to land there. Montcalm 
was perplexed, doubting whotlier the real attack was 
to be made here, or toward the Montmorenoi. Hour 
after hour the boats moved to and fro, to increase his 
doubts and hide the real design; but he soon became 
convinced that the camp of L^vis at the Montmorenci 
was the true object of his enemy; and about two 
o’clock he went thither, greeted as he rode along the 
lines by shouts of Vive noire OSnSral ! L^vis had 
already made preparations for defence with his usual 
skill. His Canadians were reinforced by the bat- 
talions of B^arn, Guienne, and Royal Roussillon; 
and, as the intentions of Wolfe became certain, the 
right of the camp was nearly abandoned, tlie main 
strength of the army being gathered between the 
river of Beauport and the Montmorenci, where, 
according to a French writer, tliere weie, towards 
the end of the afternoon, about twelve Giousand 

At half-past five o’clock the tide was out, and the 
crisis came. The batteries across the Montmorenci, 
the distant batteries of Point Levi, the cannon of the 
“Centurion,” and those of the two stranded ships, 
all opened together with redoubled fury. The French 
^ Fanet, Journal, 


batteries replied; and, amid this deafening roar of 
artilleiy, the English boats set their troops ashore at 
the edge of the broad tract of sedgy mud that the 
receding river had left bare. At the same time a 
column of two thousand men was seen, a mile away, 
moving m perfect order across the Montmorenci ford. 
The first troops that landed from the boats were thir- 
teen companies of grenadiers and a detachment of 
Royal Americans. They dashed swiftly forward; 
while at some distance behind came Monclcton’s 
brigade, composed of the fifteenth, or Amherst’s 
regiment, and the sevenly-eighth, or Fraser’s High- 
landers. The day had been fair and warm; but the 
sky was now thick with clouds, and large raindrops 
began to fall, the precursors of a summer storm. 

With the utmost precipitation, without orders, and 
without waiting for Moncktou’s brigade to come up, 
the grenadiers in front made a rush for the redoubt 
near the foot of the hill. The French abandoned it; 
but the assailants had no sooner gained their prize 
than the thronged heights above blazed with musketry, 
and a tempest of bullets fell among them. Nothing 
daunted, they dashed forward again, reserving their 
fire, and struggling to climb the steep ascent; while, 
with yells and shouts of Vive U Boi 1 the troops and 
Canadians at the top poured upon them a hailstorm 
of musket-balls and buck-shot, and dead and wounded 
in numbers rolled together down the slope. At that 
instant the clouds burst, and the rain fell in torrents. 
“We could not see halfway down the hill,” says the 

74 WOLFE AT QUEBEC. [1769. 

Chevalier Johnstone, who was at this part of the 
line. Ammunition was wet on both sides, and the 
grassy steeps became so slippery that it was impos- 
sible to climb them. The English say that Uie storm 
saved the French ; the French, with as much reason, 
that it saved tlie English. 

The baffled grenadiei-s diuw hack into the redoubt. 
Wolfe saw the madness of persisting, and ordered a 
retreat. The ram ceased, and troops of Indians 
came down the heights to scalp the fallen. Some of 
them ran towards Lieutenant Pe3rton, of the Royal 
Americans, as he lay disabled by a musket-shot. 
With his double-barrelled gun he brought down two 
of his assailants, when a Highland sergeant snatched 
him in his arms, dragged him half a mile over the 
mud-flats, and placed him in one of Uie boats. A 
friend of Peyton, Captain Ochterlony, had received 
a mortal wound, and an Indian would have scalped 
him but for the generous intrepidity of a soldier of 
the battalion of Guienne; who, seizing the enraged 
savage, held him back till soveral French ofSoers 
interposed, and had the dying man carried to a place 
of safety. 

The English retreated in good order, after setting 
fire to the two stranded vessels. Those of the 
grenadiers and Royal Americans who were left alive 
rowed for the Point of Orleans; the fifteenth regi- 
ment rowed for Point Levi; and the Highlanders, 
led by WoHe himself, joined the column from beyond 
the Montmorenci, placing themselves in its rear as it 




slowly retired along tlie flats and across the ford, the 
Indians yelling and the French shouting from the 
heights, while the British waved their hats, danng 
them to come down and fight. 

The grenadiers and the Royal Americans, who had 
home the brunt of the fray, bore also nearly all the 
loss; which, in proportion to their numbers, was 
enormous. Knox reports it at four hundred and 
forty-three, killed, wounded, and missing, including 
one colonel, eight captains, twenty-one Keutenants, 
and three ensigns. 

Vaudreuil, delighted, wrote to Bourlamaque an 
account of the affair. “I have no more anxiety 
about Quebec. M. Wolfe, I can assure you, will 
make no progress. Luckily for him, his prudence 
saved him from the consequences of his mad enter- 
prise, and he contented himself with losing about 
five hundred of his best soldiers. Deserters say that 
he will try us again in a few days. That is what we 
want; he’ll find somebody to talk to (il trouvem d 

Notb. — Among the killed in this affair was EdTrard Botvood, 
sergeant m the gienadiers of the fortr-serenth, or Lascelles’ legi- 
ment "Ned Botwood” was well known among his comrades as a 
poet, and the following lines of his, wiitten on the ere of the expe- 
dition to Quebec, continued to he farontes with the British tioops 
dating the War of the Revolution (see Uistonial Magazine, ii. 
First Series, 164) It may he ohserred here that the war produced 
a consideiahle guantity of indifferent verse on both sides On that 
of the English it took the shape of occasional ballads, such as 
"Bold General Wolfe," printed on broadsides, or of patriotic effu- 
sions scattered through magazines and newspapers, wlule the 
French celebrated all their victoiies with songs 





An, — Ztlies of Franco, 

Come, oach dtath-doiiiflf dO); who daroi ronturo bia neck, 

Oome, follow the hero that goes to Quebec, 

Jump aboard at the tranipoitu, and Ioobo every sail, 

Pay your debts at the tavern by giMiii; lej^bail; 

And ye that love flglitmg shall soon have enough 

Wolfe commands ue, my beys, we shall give them Hot Staff. 

Up the Biver St. Lawrence our troops shall advance. 

To the Grenadieis* March we will teach them to dance. 

Gape Breton we have taken, and next we will try 
At their capital to give them another black eye. 

Yaudreuil, 't is in vain you pietond to look gi uil, — 

Those ate coming who know bow to give you Hot Stuff. 

With powder m his peiiwig, and snuff m his nose, 

Monsieur will run down our descent to oppose; 

And the Indians will come but the light infantry 
Will soon oblige them to betake to a tice. 

From such rascals as those may wo fear a rebuff? 

Advance, grenadiers, and let fly your Hot Stuff! 

When the forty-seventh regiment is dashing ashore, 

While bullets arc whistling and cannons do loar. 

Says Montcalm “ These aio Shiiley’s, — I know the lapels.’* 

"You he," sevs Ned Botwood, “wo belong to Lascelles'l 
Tho’ our cloatliing is changed, yet wo scoiii a powdor-puff; 

So at you, ye b— s, here ’s give you Hot Stuff." 

On the repulse at Montmoroncl, }Vof/e to Pitt, 2 Srptemhro, 1769 
Vaudreml an Miniatie, 6 Octobre, 1759 Fanet, Journal du Siiije, 
Johnotone, Dtalogue in Hades Jounta/ ienud l’Atmdf, 0 to ,fouincd 
of the Siege of Quebec, bg a Gentleman tn an eminent Station on the Spot 
Mdmoires sur le Canada, 1740-1760 Fraser, Journal of the Siege, 
Journal du SiA/e d’apihs un MS. ddpoki h la Bibliothbque Hartwell, 
Foligny, Journal mUnoralif. Jomnal ofTiansactions at the Siege oj 
Quebec, in Nates and Queries, zx. 101. John Johnson, Memotts of 
the Siege qfQuebeo, Journal of an Expedition on the River St, Law- 
rence, An Authentic Aeeomt of the Expedition against Quebec, bg a 
Volunteer on that Expedition. J. Gibson to Governw Lawrence, J 
August, 1769. Enox, i, 864. Mante, 244. 





Crowk Foihi — Drlais or AMnoRST — Niagara Ekpboitiok 

TUB Eeekoh —The Fort takek — Ible-aex-Noix — Amkerst 

BONLD — Roolbb ATTACKS St Ebanoib; dbstrots the Towk. 
— Sdffebingb of tbe Rangers. 

Pitt had directed that, -while Quebec was attacked, 
an attempt should be made to penetrate into Canada 
by way of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Thus the 
two armies might unite in the heart of the colony, 
or, at least, a powerful diversion might be effected in 
behalf of Wolfe. At the same time Oswego was to 
be re-established, and the possession of Port Duquesne, 
or Pittsburg, secured by reinforcements and supplies j 
while Amherst, the commander-in-ohief, was further 
directed to pursue any other enterprise which in his 
opinion would weaken the enemy, without detriment 
to the main objects of the campaign.^ He accord- 
ingly resolved to attempt the capture of Niagara. 

1 Pat to Amherst, 23 January, 10 Afarch, 1769, 



[ 1769 . 

Brigadier Pridcaux was charged with this stroke, 
Brigadier Stanwix was sent to eonduet tlie oiteralious 
for the relief of Pittsburg; and Amherst himself pie- 
pared to load tlie grand ocntrnl ndvanee against 
Ticondoroga, Grown Point, and Montreal.^ 

Towards the end of Juno he reached that valley 
by the head of Lake George which for live years past 
had been the annual nmstering-plaee of ariiuoH. Here 
were now gathered about eleven thousand men, half 
regulars and half provinoials,’* drilling every day, 
firing by platoons, firing at marks, practising manoeu- 
vres in the woods; going out on scouting parties, 
hathing parties, fishing parties ; gathering wild herbs 
to serve for greens, cutting brushwood and meadow 
hay to make hospital beds. The sick were ordered 
on certain mornings to repair to the surgeon’s tent, 
there, in prompt succession, to swallow such doses as 
he thought appropriate to tlieir several ail men ts; and 
it was further ordered tliat “every fair day they tliat 
can walk be paraded together and marched down to 
the lake to wash their hands and faces.” Courts- 
martial were numerous ; culprits were flogged at the 
head of each regiment in turn, and occasionally one 
was shot. A frequent employment was the cutting 
of spruce tops to make spruce beer This innocent 
beverage was reputed sovereign against scurvy; and 
such was the fame of its virtues that a copious supply 
of the West Indian molasses used in concocting it 

1 Amihera fo Pitt, 19 June, 1769. Amhent U> Stanwix, 0 1760. 

■ Mante, 210. 


■was thought indispensable to every army or garrison 
in the wilderness. Thi'oughout this campaign it 
IS repeatedly mentioned m general orders, and the 
soldiers are promised that they shall have as much of 
it as they want at a halfpenny a quart. ^ 

The rear of the army was well protected from 
insult. Fortified posts were bmlt at intervals of 
three or four miles along the road to Fort Edward, 
and especially at the station called Halfway Brook ; 
while, for the whole distance, a broad belt of wood 
on both sides was cut do-wn and burned, to deprive a 
skulking enemy of cover. Amherst was never long 
in one place without building a fort there. He now 
began one, which proved wholly needless, on that 
flat rocky hill where the English made their intrenched 
camp during the siege of Fort William Henry. 
Only one bastion of it was ever finished, and this is 
still shown to tourists under the name of Fort 

The army embarked on Saturday, the twenty-first 
of July. The Keverend Benjamin Pomeroy watched 
their departure in some concern, and wrote on Mon- 
day to Abigail, his wife; “I could wish for more 
appearance of dependence on God than was observ- 
able among them; yet I hope God ■wiU grant dehver- 

1 Orderly Book of Commissary Wilson in the Expedition against 
Ticonde>oga,V!69, Journal of Samuel Warner, a Massachusetts Sol- 
dier, 1169 General and Regimental Oi ders. Army of Major-Genet al 
Amherst, 1760 Diary of Sergeant Memman of Ruggleifs Regiment, 
1760. I owe to ■William L Stone, Esq , the use ot the last two cun 
OUB docnmeuta 

80 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1760. 

ance unto Israel by them.” There was another 
military pageant, another long procession of boats 
and banners, among tlie mountains and islands of 
Lake George. Night found them near the outlet; 
and here they lay till morning, tossed unpleasantly 
on waves ruffled by a summer gale. At daylight 
they landed, beat back a French detachment, and 
marched by the portage road to the saw-mill at the 
waterfall. There was little resistance. They occu- 
pied the heights, and tlien advanced to the famous 
line of intrenchment against which tlie army of 
Abercrombie had hurled itself in vain. These works 
had been completely reconstructed, partly of earth, 
and partly of logs. Amherst’s followers were less 
numerous than those of his predecessor, while the 
French commander, Bourlamaque, had a force nearly 
equal to that of Montcalm in tlie summer before; yet 
he made no attempt to defend the intrenchnicut, and 
the English, encamping along its front, found it an 
excellent shelter from the cannon of the fort beyond. 

Amherst brought up his artillery and began 
approaches in form, when, on the night of the 
twenty-third, it was found that Bourlamaque had 
retired down Lake Champlain, leaving four hundred 
men under Hebecourt to defend tho place as long as 
possible. This was in obedience to an order from 
Vaudreuil, requiring him on the approach of the 
English to abandon both Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point, retreat to the outlet of Lake Champlain, take 
post at Isle-aux-Noix, and there defend himself to 


iJie last extremity,*^ a course unquestionably the best 
that could have been taken, since obstinacy in hold- 
ing Ticondeioga might have involved the surrender 
of Bourlamaque’s whole force, while Isle-aux-Noix 
offered rare advantages for defence. 

The fort fired briskly 5 a cannon-shot killed Colonel 
Townshend, and a few soldiers were killed and 
wounded by grape and bursting shells; when, at 
dusk on the evening of the twenty-sixth, an unusual 
movement was seen among the garrison, and, about 
ten o’clock, three deserters came in great excitement 
to the English camp. They reported that Hebecourt 
and his soldiers were esoapmg in their boats, and 
that a match was burning m the magazine to blow 
Ticonderoga to atoms. Amherst offered a hundred 
guineas to any one of them who would point out the 
match, that it might be out; but they shrank fiom 
the penlous venture. All was silent till eleven 
o’clock, when a broad, fierce glare burst on the night, 
and a roaring explosion shook the promontory; then 
came a few breathless moments, and then the frag- 
ments of Fort Ticonderoga fell with clatter and 
splash on the water and the land. It was but one 
bastion, however, that had been thus hurled skyward. 
The rest of the fort was little hurt, though the bar- 
racks and other combustible parts were set on fire, 
and by the light the French flag was seen still wav- 

* VaudreuU au Mimstre, 8 Novemhre, 1769 Instntctions poor M, 
da Bourlamague, 20 Ufai, 1769, signd Vaudreutl, Montcalm a Bourlof 
mai/ue, 4 Jmn, 1769 
voii. in. — 6 




ing OR the rampart.^ A sorgoaul o£ the light 
infantry, braving the iihIc of other oxploaious, went 
and brought it off. Thus did this redoubted strong- 
hold of France fall at last into English liaiids, as in 
all likelihood it would have done a year sooner, if 
Amherst had commanded in Abercrombie’s place; 
for, with the deliberation tliat marked all Ins proceed- 
ings, he would have sat down before Montcalm’s 
wooden wall and knocked it to splinters with his 

He now set about repairing tiie damaged works 
and making ready to advance on Crown Point; 
when on the first of August his scouts told him that 
the enemy had abandoned this place also, and 
retreated northward down the lake.® Well i>lcased, 
he took possession of the deserted fort, and, in the 
animation of success, thought for a moment of kei*])- 
ing the promise he had given to Pitt “ to make an 
irruption into Canada with tlie utmost vigor and 
despatch.”® Wolfe, his brother in arms and his 
friend, was battling with the impossible under tlie 
rooks of Quebec, and every motive, public and 
private, impelled Amherst to push to his relief, not 
counting costs, or balancing nsks too nicely. He 
was ready enough to spur on otliers, for he wrote to 

1 Journal of Colonel Amherst (brother of General Amherst). 
VaudreaU au Msnistte, 8 Novembre, 1769 Amhetst to Prideaux, 28 
1769. Awhetst to Pitt, 27 JidifiVllXI Mante, 218. Knox, i. 
897-403, Vaudteuil h Bomlaviaque, 19 Jutn, 1769. 

* Anihera to Piit, 6 AagvM, 1769. 

»/4irf,10 7tt««,1769. 




Gage: “We must all be alert and active day and 
night; if v^e all do our parts the French must fall; 
hut, far from doing his, he set the army to building 
a new fort at Crown Point, telling them that it 
would “ give plenty, peace, and quiet to His Majesty’s 
subjects for ages to come,”® Then he began three 
small additional forts, as outworlcs to tlie first, sent 
two parties to explore the sources of the Hudson; 
one party to explore Otter Creek ; another to explore 
South Bay, which was already well Icnown ; another 
to make a road across what is now the State of 
Vermont, from Crown Point to Charlestown, or 
“Number Four,” on the Connecticut; and another to 
widen and improve the old French road between 
Crown Point and Ticonderoga. His industry was 
untiring ; a great deal of useful work was done . but 
the essential task of makmg a diversion to aid the 
army of Wolfe was needlessly postponed. 

It is true that some delay was inevitable. The 
French had four armed vessels on the lake, and this 
made it neoessaiy to provide an equal or superior 
force to protect the troops on their way to Isle-aux- 
Noix. Captain Lormg, the English naval com- 
mander, was therefore ordered to build a brigantine ; 
and, this being thought insufficient, he was directed 
to add a kind of floating battery, moved by sweeps. 
Three weeks later, in consequence of farther infor- 
mation concerning the force of the French vessels, 

1 AmSertf to Gage, 1 August, 1769. 
* General Orders, 13 August, 1769 




Amherst orrlerecl an armed aloop to be put oix the 
stocks; and this involved a long delay. The saw- 
mill at Ticondoroga was to furnish planks for the 
intended navy; hut, houig overtasked in sawing 
limber for tlie new works at Crown Point, it was 
continually breaking down, llcuco niiioh time was 
lost, and autumn was well advanced before Loring 
could launch his vessels.* 

Meanwhile nows had come from Prideaux and the 
Niagara expedition. That officer had been ordered 
to ascend the Mohawk with five thousand regulars 
and provincials, leave a strong garrison at Fort 
Stanwix, on the Great Carrying Place, establish 
posts at both ends of Lake Oneida, descend die 
Onondaga to Oswego, leave nearly half his force 
there under Colonel Haldimand, and proceed with 
the rest to attack Niagara.* These ordere ho accom- 
plished. Haldimand remained to rooccupy the spot 
that Montcalm had made desolate three years before ; 
and, while preparing to build a fort, he barricaded 
his camp with pork and flour barrels, lest tlic enemy 
should make a dash upon him from their station at 
the head of the St. Lawrence Itapids. Such an 
attack was probable; for if the French could seize 
Oswego, the return of Prideaux from Niagara would 
be out off, and when his small stock of provisions 

X Amhent to jPilt, 22 October, 1769. This letter, which is in the 
form of a journal, oorers twenty-one folio pages. 

s Inttfuchons of Amherst to Prideaux, 17 JWat/, 1769. Pndeaux to 
Haldimand, 30 fane, 1769. 


had failed, he would be reduced to extremity. Saint- 
Luo de la Oome left the head of the Rapids early 
in July with a thousand French and Canadians and 
a body of Indians, who soon made their appearance 
among the stumps and bushes that surrounded the 
camp at Oswego. The priest Piquet was of the 
party j and five deserters declared that he solemnly 
blessed them, and told them to give the English no 
quarter.^ Some valuable time was lost in bestowing 
the benediction; yet Haldimand’s men were taken 
by surprise. Many of them were dispersed in the 
woods, cutting timber for the intended fort, and it 
might have gone hard with them had not some of La 
Gome’s Canadians become alarmed and rushed back 
to their boats, oversetting Father Piquet on the 
way.® These being rallied, the whole party ensconced 
itself in a tract of felled trees so far from the English 
that their jSre did little harm. They continued it 
about two hours, and resumed it the next morning; 
when, three cannon being brought to bear on them, 
they took to their boats and disappeared, having lost 
about thirty killed and wounded, including two 
officers and La Come himself, who was shot in the 
thigh. The English loss was shght. 

Prideaux safely reached Niagara, and laid siege 
to it. It was a strong fort, lately rebuilt in regular 

1 Journal of Colonel Amherat. 

3 Fouchot, 11 . 130 Compare Mimoirea aur h Canada, 1749> 
1760; N Y, Col.Doca ,Ta, 806; and Letter fiom Oswego, in Boston 
Eventng Post, No. 1, 24A 




form by an excellent offlcor, Cai)lain Pouoliot, of tlie 
battalion of Bdarii, who commaiulcd it. It stood 
where the present fort stands, in the angle formed by 
tlie junction ol tlie river Niagara with Lake Ontario, 
and was hold by about six Imndrod men, well siij)- 
plied with provisions and munitions of war.^ Higher 
up the river, a mile and a half above the cataract, 
there was another fort, called Little Niagara, built 
of wood, and commanded by the half-breed officer, 
Joncaii’e-Chabert, who with his brother, Joncaire- 
Clauzonne, and a numerous clan of Indian relatives, 
had so long thwarted the efforts of Joliuson to 
engage the Five Nations in the English cause. But 
recent English successes had had their effect. Jon- 
caire’s influence was waning, and Johnson was now 
in Pndeaux’s camp witli miie hundred hhve Nation 
warriora pledged to fight Bio French. Joncairo, 
finding his fort untenable, burned it, and came with 
his garrison and his Indian fiiciids to reinforce 

Ponchot had another resource, on which ho con- 
fidently relied. In obedience to an order from 
Vaudicuil, the French population of the Illinois, 
Detroit, and other distant posts, joined with troops 
of Western Indians, had come down the Lakes to 
recover Pittsburg, undo the work of Forbes, and 

1 Foucliotgays BIB, besides 00 men from Little Niagara; Van 
dieiiil giYes a total of 680. 

^ Pouchot, 11 . 62, 60. Proras df Bigot, Cadet, et autrea, Mdmoiie 
pout Daniel de Joneairo-Chabert, 



1769 .] 

restore French ascendency on the Ohio. Pittsburg 
had been in imminent danger; nor was it yet safe, 
though General Stanwix was sparing no effort to 
succor it.^ These mixed bands of white men and 
red, bush-rangers and savages, were now gathered, 
partly at Le Boeuf and Venango, but chiefly at 
Presq’isle, xmder command of Aubry, Ligneris, 
Marm, and other partisan chiefs, the best in Canada. 
No sooner did Pouchot learn that the Enghsh were 
commg to attack him than he sent a messenger to 
summon them all to his aid.^ 

The siege was begun in form, though the English 
engineers were so mcompetent that the trenches, as 
first laid out, were scoured by the fire of the place, 
and had to be made anew.^ At last the batteries 
opened fire. A shell from a coehom burst prema- 
turely, just as it left the mouth of the piece, and a 
fragment striking Pndeaux on the head, killed him 
instantly. Johnson took command in his place, and 
made up in energy what he lacked in skill. In two 
or three weeks the fort was in extremity. The ram- 
part was breached, more than a hundred of the gar- 
rison were killed or disabled, and the rest were 

1 Lettertof Colonel Sagh Meicer, commanding at Pittsburg, Janu- 
aiy-June, 1769 Letters of Stanwix, Mag-July, 1769. Letter f tom 
Pittsburg, m Boston News Letter, Ko 8,023. Narrative of John 

* Pouchot, u 46 

* Rutheifotd to Haldimand, 14 July, 1769 Prideaux was ex- 
tremely disgusted Pndeaux to Haldimand, 13 Judy, 1759 Allaii 
Macleane, of the Highlanders, calls the engmeers “fools and block 
heads, G— d d— n them " Macleane to Haldimand, 21 July, 1769 

88 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1769. 

exliinisLed with want of sloop. Ponoliot watched 
anxiously for Uio proinisod sncoorH 5 and on tho morn- 
ing of tho twenty-fourth of July a distant liring told 
him that they wore at hand. 

Aubiy and Lignoris, with thoir luotloy following, 
had loft Pi'psq’islo a few days Ixiforo, to the nninher, 
aooording to Vaudrouil, of eleven Inmdivd French 
and two hundred Indians.^ Among tliom was a 
body of colony troops; but tlio Fronchmon of tho 
party wore chiefly traders and bush-rangers from tlie 
West, connecting liiilts betwoon civilization and 
savagery; some of thorn indeed wore more white 
Indians, imbued with the ideas and 11101 als of tlie 
wigwam, wearing huntiug-shii’ts of sniolced doer-skin 
embroidered with quills of the Canada porcupine, 
painting tlioir faces black and red, tying oaglo foathors 
in their long hair, or plastering it on thoir toinplos 
with a compound of vermilion and glue. Tlioy wore 
excellent woodsmen, skilfid hunters, and perhaps 
the best bush-fighters in all Canada. 

When Pouchot heiu'd tho firing, ho went with a 
wounded artillery officer to tho bastion next the 
river; and as tlie forest had boon out away for a 
great distance, they could see more than a inilo and a 
half along the shore. There, by glimpses among 

1 "II n’y aroit quo 1,100 Eranfois ot 200 uauvafros,” Vaudieuii 
au Mntfflh «, 80 Oetohre, 1760 Johnson says " 1,200 inon, with <i iium- 
her of Indians.” Johnson to Amherst, 26 Jidtj, 1769. I’orlneut, eom- 
manding at Presq’isle, wrote to Pouchot that there wore 1,000 
Prenoh and 1,200 Indians. Pouchot, 11 . 04. A letter from Aubry 
to Pouchot put the whole at 2,000, half of them Indians HUttn tool 
Magaane, v. Second Seiies, 109. 

1769 .] BOUT OP THE PREHCH. 89 

trees and bushes, tliey descried bodies of men, now 
advancing, and now retreating; Indians in rapid 
movement, and the smoke of guns, the sound of 
which reached their ears in heavy volleys, or a sharp 
and angry rattle. MeanwMle the English cannon 
had ceased their fire, and the silent trenches seemed 
deserted, as if their occupants were gone to meet the 
advancing foe. There was a call m the fort for 
volunteers to sally and destroy the works; but no 
sooner did they show themselves along the covered 
way than the seemingly abandoned trenches were 
thronged with men and bayonets, and the attempt 
was given up. The distant firing lasted half an 
hour, then ceased, and Pouohot remained in sus- 
pense; till, at two in the afternoon, a friendly 
Onondaga, who had passed unnoticed through the 
Enghsh lines, came to him with the announcement 
that the French and their allies had been routed and 
cut to pieces. Pouohot would not believe him. 

Nevertheless his tale was true. Johnson, besides 
his Indians, had with him about twenty-three hun- 
dred men, whom he was forced to divide into three 
separate bodies, — one to guard the bateaus, one to 
guard the trenches, and one to fight Aubry and his 
band. This last body consisted of the provincial 
light infantry and the pickets, two companies of 
grenadiers, and a hundred and fifty men of the forty- 
sixth regiment, all under command of Colonel Massey.^ 

1 Johnson to Amherst, 26 July, 1769. Knox, u. 185 Captain 

Ldancty to , 26J>dy, 1769 Thu writer commanded the hght 

infontijr in the fight. 

90 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1760. 

They took post behind an abattis at a place called La 
Belle Pamille, and tlie Five Nation wamoi-s placed 
themselves on their flanks. These savages had shown 
signs of disaffection ; and when the enemy approached, 
they opened a parley witli the French Indians, which, 
however, soon ended, and both sides laisod the war- 
whoop. The fight was brisk for a while ; but at last 
Aubry’s men broke away in a panic. The French 
officers seem to have made desperate efforts to rotiieve 
the day, for nearly all of them were killed or cap- 
tured; while their followers, after heavy loss, fled to 
their oanoes and boats above tlie cataiaot, hastened 
back to Lake Erie, burned Presq’isle, Le Boouf, and 
Venango, and, joined by the garrisons of those forts, 
retreated to Detroit, leaving the whole region of 
the upper Ohio in undisputed possession of the 

At four o’clock on the day of the battle, after a 
furious cannonade on both sides, a trumpet sounded 
from the trenches, and an officer approached the foit 
with a summons to suiTender. He brought also a 
paper containing the names of the captive French 
officers, though some of them wore spelled in a way 
that defied recognition. Pouchot, feigning incredul- 
ity, sent an officer of his own to the English camp, 
who soon saw unanswerable proof of the disaster; for 
here, under a shelter of leaves and boughs near the 
tent ol Johnson, sat Ligneris, severely wounded, 
with Aubry, ViUiers, Montigny, Marin, and their 


companions in misfortune, — in all, sixteen officers, 
four cadets, and a surgeon.^ 

Pouchot had now no choice hut surrender. By the 
terms of the capitulation, the garrison were to he sent 
prisoners to New York, though honors of war were 
granted them in acknowledgment of their courageous 
conduct. There was a special stipulation that they 
should be protected from the Indians, of whom they 
stood in the greatest terror, lest the massacre of Fort 
WiUiam Henry should he avenged upon them. 
Johnson restrained his dangerous allies, and, though 
the foit was pillaged, no blood was shed. 

The capture of Niagara was an important stroke. 
Thenceforth Detroit, Michilimaokinac, the Illinois, 
and all the other French interior posts, were severed 
from Canada, and left in helpless isolation; hut 
Amherst was not yet satisfied. On healing of 
Pndeaux’s death he sent Brigadier Gage to supersede 
Johnson and take command on Lake Ontario, diiect- 
ing him to descend the St. Lawrence, attack the 
French posts at the head of the rapids, and hold 
them if possible for the winter. The attempt was 
difficult; for the French force on the St. Lawrence 
was now greater than that which Gage could bring 
against it, after providing for the safely of Oswego 
and Niagara. Nor was he by nature prone to dashing 

* Johnson gives the names m his private Diary, pnntedin Stone, 
Lift of Johnson, ii 894 Compare Fonchot, u 106, 106, Letter 
from Niagara, in Boston Evening Post, No 1,260. Vaudreuil au Mi 
nlstie, 80 Octobre, 1760. 



[ 1759 . 

and doubtful onterpriao. Ho reported that tho luove- 
inent was impossible, much to tlie disapjjoiutmont of 
Amherst, who seomod lo expect from subordinates 
an activity greater tlian his own.^ 

He, meanwhile, was working at his fort at Crown 
Point, while die season crojit away, and Bourlamaque 
lay ready to receive him at Islo-aux-Noix. “ I wait 
his coming with impatience,” writes the French com- 
mander, “ though I doubt if ho will venture to attack 
a post where we are inti'enohed to the teeth, and 
armed with a hundred pieces of cannon.” ^ Bourla- 
maque now had with him thirty-five hundred men, in 
a position of great strength. Isle-aux-Noix, planted 
in mid-channol of the Richelieu soon after it issues 
from Lake Champlain, had been diligently fortified 
since the spring. On each side of it was an arm of 
the river, closed against an enemy with ohcvatu-cle- 
/rise. To attack it in front in tho face of its for- 
midable artillery would bo a hazardous attempt, and 
tho task of reducing it was likely to bo a long one. 
The French force in tlieso parts had lately received 
accessions. After the fall of Niagara the danger 
seemed so great, both in iho direction of Lnlce Ontario 
and that of Lake Champlain, that Ltivis had been 
sent up from Quebec with eight hundred men to 
command the whole department of Montreal.® A 

^ Amhernt to Gage, 28 July,l Avyu’it, 14 August, 11 September, 17 60. 
Diarg of Str William Johnson, in Stone, Life of Johnson, ii, 304-439 

* Bourlamaque h (Bemets!f),22 Srptemiie, 1760. 

• Montcalm h Bouilamaque, 0 Aoit, 1760 Rigaud it Bourlamaque, 
14 Ao^, 1769. Ldbts Si Bouilamaque, 26 AoiU, 1760, 


body of troops and militia was encamped opposite 
that town, ready to march towards either quarter, as 
need might be, while tlie abundant crops of the 
neighboiing parishes were harvested by armed bands, 
ready at a word to drop the sickle for the gun. 

Thus the promised advance of Amherst into 
Canada would be not without its difBcuIties, even 
when his navy, too tardily begun, should be ready to 
act its part. Eut if he showed no haste in succoring 
Wolfe, he at least made some attempts to communi- 
cate with him. Early in August he wrote him a 
letter, which Ensign Hutchins, of the rangers, carried 
to him in about a month by the long and circuitous 
route of the Kennebec, and which, after telling the 
news of the campaign, ended tibus : “You may depend 
on my doing all I can for effectually reducing 
Canada. Now is the time*”* Amherst soon after 
tried another expedient, and sent Captains Kennedy 
and Hamilton with a flag of truce and a message of 
peace to the Abenakis of St. Francis, who, he 
thought, won over by these advances, might permit 
the two ofSoers to pass unmolested to Quebec. But 
the Abenakis seized them and carried them prisoners 
to Montreal; on which Amherst sent Major Eobert 
Eogeis and a band of rangers to destroy their town.^ 

It was the eleventh of October before the miniature 
navy of Captain Loring — the floating battery, the 
brig, and the sloop that had been begun three weeks 

^ Amherxt to Wolfe, 7 August, 1769. 

* Amherst to Pitt, 22 October, 1769 Rogers, Jownals, 144. 


too late — was ready for service. They sailed at 
onoe to look lor the enemy. The four French vessels 
made no resistance. One of them succeeded in 
reaching Isle-aux-Noix; one was run aground; and 
two were sunk by their crows, who escaped to tlie 
shore. Amherst, meanwhile, leaving the provincials 
to work at the fort, embarked with the regulars m 
bateaux, and proceeded on his northern way till, 
on the evening of the twelfth, a head-wind began 
to blow, and, rising to a storm, drove him for shel- 
ter into Ligonier Bay, on the west side of the lake.^ 
On the thirteenth, it blew a gale. The lake raged 
like an angry sea, and the frail bateaux, fit only 
for smooth water, could not have lived a moment. 
Through all tlie next m^ht the gale continued, 
vijth floods of driving rain. “I hope it will soon 
change,” wrote Amherst on the fifteenth, “for I 
have no time to lose.” lie was right. He had 
waited till tlie season of autumnal storms, when 
nature was more dangerous than man. On the six- 
teenth there was frost, and the "wind did not aliate. 
On the next morning it shifted to the south, but 
soon turned back witli violence to tlie nortli, and tlie 
ruffled lake put on a look of winter, “ which determined 
me,” says the general, “not to lose time by striving 
to get to tlie Isle-aux-Noix, where I should arrive 
too late to force the enemy from their post, but to 
return to Crown Point and complete the works 
there.” This he did, and spent the remnant of the 

1 Orderlij Book of Commissary Wilson, 



1769 .] 

season in the congenial task of finishing the fort, of 
which the massive remains still bear witness to his 

When Ldvis heard that the English army had 
fallen back, he wrote, well pleased, to Bourlamaque : 
“I don’t know how General Amherst will excuse 
himself to his Court, but I am very glad he let us 
alone, because the Canadians are so backward that 
you could count on nobody but the regulars. ” ^ 

Concerning this year’s operations on the Lakes, it 
may be observed that the result was not what the 
French feared, or what the Bntisli colomsts had 
cause to hope. If, at the end of winter, Amherst 
had begun, as he might have done, the building of 
armed vessels at the head of the navigable waters of 
Lake Champlain, wheie Whitehall now stands, he 
would have had a navy ready to his hand before 
August, and would have been able to follow the 
reti’eating French without delay, and attack them at 
Isle-aux-Noix before they had finished their fortifica- 
tions. And if, at the same time, he had directed 
Prideaux, instead of attacking Niagara, to co-operate 
with him by descending the St. Lawrence towards 
Montreal, the prospect was good that the two armies 
would have united at that place, and ended the cam- 
paign by the reduction of all Canada. In this case 
Niagara and all the western posts would have fallen 
without a blow. 

Major Robert Rogers, sent in September to punish 
1 Lfi)ts h Bovcrlamaqm, 1 Nmiembie, 1769 


the Abenalds of St. Francis, had addressed himself 
to the task with his usual vigor. These Indians had 
been settled for about three quarters of a century on 
the river St. Francis, a few miles above its junction 
with the St. Lawrence. They were nominal Chris- 
tiana, and had been under the control of their mis- 
sionaries for three generations; but though zealous 
and sometimes fanatical in tiieir devotion to the 
forms of Romanism, they remained thorough savages 
in dress, habits, and character. They were tlie 
scourge of the New England borders, where they 
surprised and burned farmhouses and small hamlets, 
killed men, women, and children without distinction, 
earned others pnsoners to their village, subjected 
them to tlie torture of “running the gantlet,” and 
compelled tliem to witness dances of triumph around 
the scalps of parents, children, and friends. 

Amherst’s instructions to Rogers contained the 
following: “Remember the baibarities tliab have 
been committed by tlie enemy’s Indian scoundrels. 
Take your revenge, but don’t forget that, though 
those dastardly villains have promiscuously murdered 
women and children of all ages, it is my order that 
no women or children be killed or hurt.” 

Rogers and his men set out in whaleboats, and, 
eluding the French armed vessels, then in full activ- 
ity, came, on the tenth day, to Missisquoi Bay, at 
the north end of Lake Champlain. Here he hid his 
boats, leaving two friendly Indians to watch tliem 
from a distance, and inform him should the enemy 

1769 .] 



discover them. He then began his march for St 
Francis, when, on the evening of the second day, 
the two Indians overtook him with the startling news 
that a party of about four hundred French had found 
the boats, and that half of them were on his tracks 
m hot pursuit. It was certain that the alarm would 
soon be given, and other parties sent to cut hi m off. 
He took the bold resolution of outmarching his pur- 
suers, pushing straight for St. Francis, striking it 
before succors could amve, and then returning by 
Lake Memphremagog and the Connecticut. Accord- 
ingly he despatched Lieutenant McMullen ly a cir- 
cuitous route back to Crown Point, with a request to 
Amherst that provisions should be sent up the Con- 
necticut to meet him on the way down. Then he 
set his course for the Indian town, and for nine days 
more toiled through the forest with desperate energy. 
Much of the way was through dense spruce swamps, 
with no dry resting-place at night. At length the 
parly reached the river St. Francis, fifteen miles 
above the town, and, hooking their arms together for 
mutual support, forded it with extreme difiSculty. 
Towards evening, Rogers climbed a tree, and descried 
the town three miles distant. Accidents, fatigue, 
and illness had reduced his followers to a hundred 
and forty-two ofiBcers and men. He left them to 
rest for a time, and, taking with him Lieutenant 
Turner and Ensign Avery, went to reconnoitre the 
place ; left his two companions, entered it disguised 
in an Indian dress, and saw the unconscious savages 
VOL. in.— 7 

98 AMHERST. NIAGARA. [1768. 

yelling and singing in the full enjoyment of a grand 
dance. At two o’clock in the morning he rejoined 
his party, and at three led them to the attack, formed 
them in a semi-circle, and burst m upon the town 
half an hour before suniise. Many of the warriors 
were absent, and the rest were asleep. Some were 
killed in their beds, and some shot down in trying to 
escape. “About seven o’clock in the morning,” he 
says, “the affair was completely over, in whioh time 
we had killed at least two hundred Indians and taken 
twenly of their women and children prisoners, fifteen 
of whom I let go their own way, and five I brought 
with me, namely, two Indian boys and three Indian 
girls. I likewise retook five English captives.” 

English scalps in hundreds were dangling from 
poles over the doors of the houses.* The town was 
pillaged and burned, not excepting the church, where 
ornaments of some value were found. On the side 
of the rangers. Captain Ogden and six men were 
wounded, and a Mohegan Indian from Stockbridge 
was killed. Rogers was told by his prisoners that a 
parly of three hundred French and Indians was 
encamped on the river below, and that another party 
of two hundred and fifteen was not far distant. 
They had been sent to cut off the retreat of the 
invaders, but were doubtful as to their designs till 

^ Rogers sa^s " about six hundred,” Other accounts eay six or 
eeTcn hundred. The late Ahbd Maurault, missionary of the St. 
Erancis Indians, and their historian, adopts the latter statement, 
though it IS probably exaggerated. 



after the blow was struck. There was no time to 
lose. The rangers made all haste southward, up the 
St. Francis, subsisting on com from the Indian town, 
till, near the eastern borders of Lake Memphremagog, 
the supply failed, and they separated into small 
parties, the better to sustain life by hunting. The 
enemy followed close, attacked Ensign Avery’s 
party, and captured five of them; then fell upon a 
band of about twenty, under Lieutenants Dunbar 
and Turner, and killed or captured nearly all. The 
other bands eluded their pursuers, turned southeast- 
ward, reached the Connecticut, some here, some there, 
and, giddy with fatigue and hunger, toiled wearily 
down the wild and lonely stream to the appointed 
rendezvous at the mouth of the Amonoosuc. 

This was the place to which Rogers had requested 
that provisions might be sent; and the hope of find- 
them there had been the breath of life to the 
famished wayfarers. To their horror, the place was 
a solitude. There were fires still burning, but those 
who made them were gone. Amherst had sent 
Lieutenant Stephen up the river from Charlestown 
with an abundant supply of food; but finding nobody 
at the Amonoosuc, he had waited there two days, 
and then returned, carrying the provisions back with 
him; for which outrageous conduct he was expelled 
from the service. “It is hardly possible,” says 
Rogers, “to describe our grief and consternation.” 
Some gave themselves up to despair. Few but their 
indomitable chief had strength to go farther. There 


■was scarcely any game, and the bamn wilderness 
yielded no sustenance but a few lily bulbs and the 
tubers of the climbing plant called m New England 
the ground-nut. Leaving his party to tliese miser- 
able resources, and promising to send them relief 
within ten days, Rogers made a raft of dry pine logs, 
and drifted on it down the stream, with Captain 
Ogden, a ranger, and one of the captive Indian boys. 
They were stopped on tho second day by rapids, and 
gamed the shore with difficulty. At tho foot of the 
rapids, while Ogden and the ranger wont in search 
of squirrels, Rogers set himself to making another 
raft; and, having no strength to use the axe, he 
burned down the trees, which he then divided into 
logs by the same process. Five days after leaving 
his party he reached the first English settlement, 
Charlestown, or “Number Four,” and immediately 
sent a canoe with provisions to the relief of the suf- 
ferers, following himself -with other canoes two days 
later. Most of the men were saved, tliough some 
died miserably of famine and exhaustion. Of tho 
few who had been captured, we are told by a French 
contemporary that they “became victims of the fury 
of the Indian women,” from whose clutches the 
Canadians tried in vain to save them.^ 

Noth — On the day after he reached " Number Tour," Rogera 
wrote a report of his expedition to Amlieist. This letter is printed 
in his Journals, in which he gives also a supplementary account, con- 

1 ^vinfments de la Gtteneen Canada, 1760,1700. Compare N. Y, 
Col, Does,, X 1042. 



taimng further particulars The Nm ffamp^hire Gazette, Boston 
Evening Post, and other newspapers of the tune recount the story m 
detail. Hoyt {Indian Wars, 302) repeats it, with a few additions 
drawn from the recollections of survivors, long after There is 
another account, very short and unsatisfactory, hy Thompson Max- 
well, who says that he was of the party, which is doubtful Haute 
(223) gives horrible details of the sufferings of the rangers An old 
chief of the St Francis Indians, said to be one of those who pursued 
Rogers after the town was burned, many years ago told Mr Jesse 
Fennoyer, a government land surveyor, that Rogeis laid an ambush 
for the pursuers, and defeated them with great loss This, the story 
says, took place near the present town of Sherbrooke , and minute 
details are given, with high praise of the skill and conduct of the 
famous partisan If such an incident really took place, it is scarcely 
possible that Rogers would not have made some mention of it On 
the other hand, it is equally incredible that the Indians would have 
invented the tale of their own defeat I am indebted for Fennoyer’s 
pu/zhng naiiative to the kindness of R A Ramsay, Rsq, of Mont- 
real It was printed, in I860, in the History of the Eastern Toum- 
ships, by Mrs. C. M. Hay. All things considered, it is probably 

Yaudreuil describes the destruction of the village in a letter to 
the minister dated October 26, and says that Rogers had a hundred 
and fifty men, that St Francis was burned to ashes ; that the head 
chief and others were killed, that he (Vaudreml), hearing of the 
march of the rangers, sent the most active of the Canadians to 
oppose them, and that Longueuilsent all the Canadians and Indians 
he could muster to pursue them on their retreat, that forty-six 
rangers were killed, and ten captured ; that he thinks all the rest 
will starve to death; and, finally, that the afiair is very unfortunate 

I once, when a college student, followed on foot the route of 
Rogers from Lake Memphremagog to the Connecticut. 





Eutioh or THB Erbwoh. — HiiSFOli'DisNar of Wolf*. — Th» 

OF SnooBSB. — Wolfb’b Last Despatch. — Cobfidbbcb of 
VA irDRBDiL. — Last Lbitbrs of Mohtoalh. — Erbncic Vioi- 
BAKOB — British Squadrok at Cap Bocob. — Last Ordbrs 
BBNCB — This Hbiohtb boabbo. — Tub British Line. — Last 
Kioht of Montoawi — The Ai,arh. — March of Ehrncii 
Troops —Tub Battm.~Thb Bout.— Tub Pursuit, — Eali. 
of Wolfs and of Montoalk. 

Wolfe was deeply moved by the disaster at the 
heights of Montmorenoi, and in a General Order on 
the next day he rebuked the grenadiers for tlieir pre- 
cipitation. “Such impetuous, irregular, and un- 
Boldierhke proceedings destroy all order, make it 
impossible for the commandera to form any disposition 
for an attack, and put it out of the general’s power 
to execute his plans. The grenadiers could not sup- 
pose that they could beat the French alone.” 

The French were elated by their success. “ Every- 
body,” says the commissary Berniers, “thought that 
the campaign was as good as ended, gloriously for 


French regular officers. The blow was so alarming 
that Montcalm hastened from Beauport to take com- 
mand in person; but when he arrived the English 
were gone. 

Vaudreuil now saw his mistake in sending the 
French fngates up the river out of harm’s way, and 
withdrawing their crews to serve the batteries of 
Quebec. Had these ships been there, they might 
have oveipowered those of the English m detail as 
they passed the town. An attempt was made to 
retrieve the blunder. The sailors were sent to man 
the frigates anew and attack the squadron of Holmes. 
It was too late. Holmes was alieady too strong for 
them, and they were recalled. Yet the difficulties of 
the Enghsh still seemed insurmountable. Dysentery 
and fever broke out in their camps, the number of 
their effective men was greatly reduced, and the 
advancing season told them that tlieir work must 
be done quickly, or not done at all. 

On the other side, the distress of the French grew 
greater every day. Their army was on shoit rations. 
The operations of the English above the town lillp J 
the camp of Beauport with dismay, for troops and 
Canadians alike dreaded the cutting off of their 
supplies. These were all drawn from the districts of 
Three Rivers and Montreal; and, at best, tliey weie 
in great danger, since when brought down m boats 
at night they were apt to be intercepted, while the 
difficulty of bringing them by land was extreme, 
through the scarcity of cattle and horses. Discipline 


was relaxed, disorder and pillage were rife, and the 
Canadians deserted so fast, that towards the cud of 
August two hundred of them, it is said, ivould some- 
times go off 111 one night. Eaily in the month the 
disheartening news came ol the loss of Ticondcroga 
and Crown Point, the retreat of Bouilainaque, the 
fall of Niagara, and tlie exjiected advance of Amherst 
on Montreal. It was tlien that Ldvis was despatched 
to the scene of danger 5 and Quebec was deplorably- 
weakened by his absence. About tliis time tlie 
Lower Town was again set on fire by the English 
batteries, and a hundi-ed and sixty-seven houses were 
burned in a night. In the front of the Upper Town 
nearly eveiy bmlding was a ruin. At the General 
Hospital, wliich was remote enough to be safe from 
tlie bombardment, evciy biu’n, shed, and garret, and 
even the chapel itself, were crowded with sick and 
wounded, with women and children from tlio town, 
and the nims of the Ursuliues and the Il6tel-Dieu, 
driven thither for refuge. Bishop Pontbriand, 
though suffering from a mortal disease, came almost 
daily to visit and console them from his lodging in 
the house of the our^ at Charlesbourg. 

Towards the end of August tlie sky brightened 
again. It became known that Amherst was not 
moving on Montreal, and Bourlamaque wrote that 
his position at Isle-aux-Noix was impregnable. On 
the twenty-seventh a deserter from Wolfe’s array 
brought the welcome assurance that the invaders 
despaired of success, and would soon sail for home; 



1759 ] 

while there were movements in the English camps 
and fleet that seemed to confirm what he said. 
Vaudreuil breathed more freely, and renewed hope 
and confidence visited the anny of Beauport. 

Meanwhile a deep cloud fell on the English. 
Since the siege began, Wolfe had passed with cease- 
less energy from camp to camp, animating the Lroops, 
observing everything, and directing everything; but 
now the pale face and tall lean form were seen no 
more, and the rumor spread that the general was 
dangerously ill. He had in fact been seized by an 
access of the disease that had tortured him for some 
time past; and fever had followed. His quai-tora 
were at a French farmhouse in the camp at Mont- 
morenoi; and here, as he lay in an upper chaiubor, 
helpless in bed, his singulai’ and most unzniliLary 
features haggard with disoiise and drawn with pain, 
no man could less have looked the hero. But as the 
needle, though quivering, points always to tlio polo, 
so, through torment and languor and the heats of 
fever, the mind of Wolfe dwelt on the capture of 
Quebec. His illness, which began before the 
twentieth of August, had so far subsided on the 
twenty-fifth that Knox wrote in his Diary of that 
day: “His Excellency General Wolfe is on the re- 
covery, to the inconceivable joy of tlie whole army.” 
On the twenty-ninth he was able to write or diotato 
a letter to the three brigadiers, Monckton, Towns- 
hend, and Murray: “That tlie public service may 
not suffer by the General’s indisposition, ho bogs the 

110 THE heights of ABRAHAM. [1750. 

brigadiers will meet and consult together for tlie 
public utihiy and advantage, and consider of the best 
metliod to attack the enemy.” The letter tlien pro- 
poses three plans, all bold to audacity. The first 
was to send a pari of the army to ford the Mont- 
morenoi eight or nine miles above its mouth, march 
through the forest, and fall on the rear of the Fienoh 
at Beauport, while the rest landed and attacked thorn 
in front. The second was to cross the ford at the 
mouth of the Montmorenci and march along tlie 
strand, under the French intrenchments, till a place 
could ho found where the troops might climb tlie 
heights. The third was to malce a general attack 
from boats at the Beauport flats, Wolfe had before 
entertained two other plans, one of which was to 
scale the heights at St. Michel, about a league above 
Quebec ; but tliis he had abandoned on learning tliat 
the French were there in force to receive him. The 
other was to storm the Lower Town; but this also 
he had abandoned, because the Upper Town, wliich 
commanded it, would still remain inaccessible. 

The brigadiers met in consultation, rejected the 
three plans proposed in the letter, and advised tliat 
an attempt should be made to gain a footing on the 
north shore above the town, place the army between 
Montcahn and his base of supply, and so force liim 
to fight or surrender. The scheme was similar to 
that of the heights of St. Michel. It seemed desper- 
ate, but so did all the rest; and if by chance it should 
succeed, the gain was far greater ^an could follow 


any success below the town. Wolfe embraced it at 

Not that he saw much hope in it. He knew that 
every chance was against him. Disappointment in 
the past and gloom in the future, the pain and 
exhaustion of disease, toils, and anxieties “too 
great,” in the words of Burke, “to be supported by 
a delicate constitution, and a body unequal to the 
vigorous and enterprising soul that it lodged,” threw 
him at times into deep dejection. By those intimate 
with him he was heard to say that he would not go 
back defeated, “to be exposed to the censure and 
reproach of an ignorant populace.” In other moods 
he felt that he ought not to sacrifice what was left of 
his diminished army in vain conflict with hopeless 
obstacles. But his final resolve once taken, he 
would not swerve from it. His fear was that he 
might not be able to lead his troops in person. “I 
know perfectly weU you cannot cure me,” he said to 
his physician; “but pray make me up so that I may 
be without pain for a few days, and able to do my 
duty: that is all I want.” 

In a despatch which Wolfe had written to Pitt, 
Admiral Saunders conceived that he had ascribed to 
the fleet more than its just share in the disaster at 
Montmorenci ; and he sent him a letter on the sub- 
ject. Major Barr4 kept it from the invalid till the 
lever had abated. Wolfe then wrote a long answer, 
which reveals his mixed dejection and resolve. He 
affirms the justice of what Saunders had said, but 


adds: “I shall leave out that part of my letter to Mr. 
Pitt which you object to. I am sensible of my own 
en’ors in the course of the campaign, see clearly 
wherein I have been dolioient, and think a little 
more or Jess blame to a man that must necessarily 
be ruined, of little or no consequence. I take the 
blame of that unlucky day entirely upon my own 
shoulders, and I expect to suffer for it ” Then, 
speaking of the new project of an attack above 
Quebec, he says despondingly: “My ill state of 
health prevents me from executing my own plan; it 
IS of too desperate a nature to order others to exe- 
cute.” He proceeds, however, to give directions for 
it. “ It will be necessary to run as many small craft 
as possible above the town, with provisions for six 
weeks, for about five thousand, which is all I intend 
to take. My letters, I hope, will be ready to-mor- 
row, and I hope I shall have strength to load these 
men to wherever we can find the enemy.” 

On the next day, tlie last of August, he was able 
for the first time to leave the house. It was on this 
same day that he wrote his last letter to his mother: 
“My wilting to you will convince you tliat no per- 
sonal evils worse than defeats and disappointments 
have fallen upon me. The enemy puts nothing to 
risk, and I can’t in conscience put the whole army 
to risk. My antagonist has wisely shut himself up 
in inaccessible intrenchments, so that I can’t get at 
him without spilling a torrent of blood, and that 
perhaps to little purpose. The Marquis de Mont- 


calm is at the head of a great munher of had soldiers, 
and I am at the head of a small number of good 
ones, that wish for nothing so much as to fight him ; 
but the wary old fellow avoids an action, doubtful 
of the behavior of his army. People must be of the 
profession to understand the disadvantages and diffi- 
culties we labor under, arising from the uncommon 
natural strength of the country.” 

On the second of September a vessel was sent to 
England with his last despatch to Pitt. It begins 
thus : “ The obstacles we have met with in the opera- 
tions of the campaign are much greater tha n we had 
reason to expect or could foresee; not so much from 
the number of the enemy (though superior to usy as 
from the natural strength of the country, which the 
Marquis of Montcalm seems wisely to depend upon. 
When I learned that succors of all hinds had been 
thrown into Quebec; that five battalions of regular 
troops, completed from the best inhabitants of the 
country, some of the troops of the colony, and every 
Canadian that was able to bear arms, besides several 
nations of savages, had taken the field in a very 
advantageous situation, — I could not flatter myself 
that I should be able to reduce the place. I sought, 
however, an occasion to attack their army, knowing 
well that with these troops I was able to fight, and 
hoping that a victory might disperse them.” Then, 
after recounting the events of the campaign with 
admirable clearness, he continues: “I found myself 
so ill, and am still so weak, that I begged the general 
yoti, III, — 8 


officers to consult together for the general utilily. 
They are all of opinion tliat, as more ships and 
provisions are now got above the town, they should 
try, by conveying up a corps of four or five thousand 
men (which is nearly the whole strength of the army 
after the Points of Levi and Orleans are left in a 
proper state of defence), to draw the enemy from 
their present situation and bring them to an action'. 
I have acquiesced m the proposal, and we are pre- 
parmg to put it into execution.” The letter ends 
thus: “By the list of disabled officers, many of whom 
are of rant, you may perceive that the army is much 
weakened. By the nature of the river, tlie most 
formidable part of this armament is deprived of the 
power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force 
of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such 
a choice of difficulties that 1 own myself at a loss 
how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain, I 
know, require the most vigorous measures; but the 
courage of a handful of brave troops should bo exerted 
only when there is some hope of a favorable event; 
however, you may be assured that the small part of 
the campaign which remains shall be employed, as 
far as I am able, for the honor of His Majesty and 
the interest of the nation, in which I am sure of 
being well seconded by the Admiral and by the 
generals; happy if our efforts here can contribute to 
the success of His Majesty’s arms in any other parts 
of America.” 

Some days later, he wrote to the Earl of Holder- 


nesse: “The Marquis of Montcalm has a numerous 
body of armed men (I cannot call it an army), and 
the strongest country perhaps in the world. Our 
fleet blocks up the river above and below the town, 
but can give no manner of aid in an attack upon the 
Canadian army. We are now here \pff Cap-Boug^ 
with about thirty-six hundred men, waiting to attack 
them when and wherever they can best be got at. I 
am so far recovered as to do business; but my consti- 
tution is entirely rumed, without the consolation of 
doing any considerable service to the state, mid with* 
out any prospect of it.” He had just learned, 
through the letter brought from Amherst by Ensign 
Hutchins, that he could expect no help from that 

Perhaps he was as near despair as his undaunted 
nature was capable of being. In his present state of 
body and mind he was a hero without the light and 
oheer of'heroism. He flattered himself with no illu- 
sions, but saw the worst and faced it all. He seems 
to have been entirely without excitement. The 
languor of disease, the desperation of the chances, 
and the greatness of the stake may have wrought to 
tranquillize him. His eneigy was doubly tasked: 
to bear up his own sinking frame, and to achieve an 
almost hopeless feat of arms. 

Audacious as it was, his plan cannot be called 
rash if we may accept the statement of two well- 
informed writers on the French side. They say that 
on the tenth of September the English naval com- 


manders held a oouncil on board the flagship, in 
which it was resolved that the lateness of the season 
required the fleet to leave Quebec without delay. 
They say further that Wolfe then went to the 
admiral, told him that he had found a place where 
the heights could be scaled, that he would send up 
a hundred and fifty picked men to feel tlie way, and 
that if they gained a lodgement at the top, the other 
troops should follow; if, on the other hand, the 
French were there in force to oppose them, he would 
not sacrifice the army in a hopeless attempt, hut 
embark them for home, consoled by the tliought that 
all had been done that man could do. On this, con- 
cludes the story, the admiral and his officers consented 
to wait the result.^ 

As Wolfe had informed Pitt, his army was greatly 
weakened. Since the end of Juno his loss in killed 
and wounded was more than eight hundred and fifty, 
including two colonels, two majors, nineteen cap- 
tains, and thirty-four suhaltems; and to these were 
to he added a greater number disabled by disease. 

The squadron of Admiral Holmes above Quebec 
had now increased to twenty-two vessels, great and 
small. One of the last that went up was a diminu- 
tive schooner, armed with a few swivels, and jocosely 

1 This statement is made by the Chevalier Johnstone, and, with 
some variation, by the author of the valuable Journal tenti h PAi mto 
quo eommandoxtfiu M, It Mai quit dt Montcalm. Bigot says that, after 
the battle, he was told by British officers that Wolfe meant to nsh 
only an advance party of two hundred men, and to re-embarkif they 
were repulsed. 


named lihe “Terror of Prance.” She sailed by the 
town in broad daylight, the French, incensed at her 
impudence, blazing at her from all their batteries ; 
but she passed unharmed, anchored by the admiral’s 
sliip, and saluted him tnumphantly with her swivels. 

WoKe’s first move towards executing his plan was 
the critical one of evacuating the camp at Mont- 
morenci. This was accomplished on the third of 
September. Montcalm sent a strong force to fall on 
the rear of the retiring English. Monckton saw the 
movement from Pomt Levi, embarked two battalions 
in the boats of the fleet, and made a feint of landing 
at Beauport. Montcalm recalled his troops to repulse 
the threatened attack; and the English withdrew 
from Montmorenci unmolested, some to the Point 
of Orleans, others to Pomt Levi. On the night of 
the fourth a fleet of flatboats passed above the town 
with the baggage and stores. On the fifth, Murray, 
with four battalions, marched up the river Etechemin, 
and forded it under a hot fire from the French bat- 
teries at Sillery. Monckton and Townshend followed 
with three more battalions, and the united force, of 
about thirty-six hundred men, was embarked on 
board the ships of Holmes, where Wolfe joined them 
on the same evening. 

These movements of the English filled the French 
commanders with mingled perplexity, anxiety, and 
hope. A deserter told them that Admiral Saunders 
was impatient to be gone. Vaudreuil grew confident. 
“The breaking up of the camp at Montmorenci,” he 


says, “and the abandonment of the intrenohments 
there, the re-emharkation on board the vessels above 
Quebec of the troops who had encamped on the south 
bank, the movements of tliese vessels, the removal of 
the heaviest pieces of artillery from the batteries of 
Foint Levi, — tliese and the lateness of the season all 
combined to announce the speedy departure of the 
fleet, several vessels of which had even sailed down 
the river already. The prisoners and the deserters 
who daily came in told us that this was the common 
report in their army.”* He wrote to Bourlamaque 
on the first of September; “Everything proves that 
the grand design of the English has failed.” 

Yet he was ceaselessly watchful. So was Montcalm ; 
and he, too, on the night of the second, snatched a 
moment to write to Bourlamaque from his headquar- 
ters in the stone house, by tlie river of Beauport: 
“The night is dark; it rains; our troops are in tlieir 
tents, with clothes on, ready for an alarm; I in my 
boots; my horses saddled. In fact, this is my usual 
way. I wish you were here; for I cannot be every- 
where, though I multiply myself, and have not taken 
off my clothes since the twenty-third of June.” On 
the eleventh of September he wrote his last letter to 
Bourlamaque, and probably the last that his pen ever 
traced. “lam overwhelmed with work, and should 
often lose temper, like you, if I did not remember 
that I am paid by Europe for not losing it. Nothing 
new since my last. I give the enemy another month, 
1 Vattdrtutl au Miniitre, 6 Oatoin, 1760 


or something less, to stay here.” The more sanguine 
Vaudreuil would hardly give them a week. 

Meanwhile, no precaution was spared. The force 
under Bougainville above Quebec was raised to three 
thousand men.^ He was ordered to watch the shore 
as far as Jacques-Gartier, and follow with his main 
body every movement of Holmes’s squadron. There 
was little fear for the heights near the town; they 
were thought inaccessible.® Even Montcalm believed 
them safe, and had expressed himself to that ejffect 
some time before. “We need not suppose, ” he wrote 
to Vaudreuil, “that the enemy have wings;” and 
again, speaking of the very place where WoHe after- 
wards landed, “I swear to you that a hundred men 
posted there would stop their whole army.”® He 
was right. A hundred watchful and determined men 
could have held the position long enough for rem- 
forcements to come up. 

The hundred men were there. Captain de Vergor, 
of the colony troops, commanded them, and reinforce- 
ments were within his call; for the battalion of 
Guieime had been ordered to encamp close at hand 
on the Plains of Abraham.* Vergor’s post, called 
Anse du Foulon, was a mile and a half from Quebec. 
A little beyond it, by the brink of the cliffs, was 
another post, called Samos, held by seventy men 

1 Journal du Stfffo (BibliothCque de Hoxtirell). Journal t$nu d 
VAimde, etc Vaudreuil au Mmistre, 6 Octohre, 1759 

* Fontbnand, Jugement ^mpaThal. 

* Montadm d Vaudreuil, 27 JuiUet Ibid , 29 JuiUet, 1760. 

* Eoligny, Journal mdmoraljf. Journal tenu k I’Armdt, etc. 


with four cannon; and, beyond tins again, tlio 
heights of Sillery wore guai'dcd by a hundred and 
tliiity men, also with cannon.^ Those were outposts 
of Bougainville, whose headquarters wore at Cap- 
Rouge, SIX miles above SiUery, and whoso troops 
were in continual movement along the intervening 
shore. Thus all ivas vigilance; for while the French 
were strong in tlie hope of speedy delivery, they felt 
that there was no safety till the tents of the invader 
had vanished from their shores and his ships from 
their river. “What we knew,” says one of them, 
“of the character of M. Wolfe, tliat impetuous, bold, 
and intrepid warrior, prepared us for a hist attack 
before he left us.” 

Wolfe had been very ill on tlie evening of the 
fourth. The troops knew it, and tlieir spirits sank; 
but, after a night of torment, he grow bettor, and 
was soon among them again, rekindling their ardor, 
and imparting a cheer tliat he could not share. For 
himself he had no pity; but when he heard of the 
illness of two officers in one of the sliips, he sent them 
a mqpsage of warm sympathy, advised tliem to return 
to Point Levi, and offered thorn his own barge and 
an escort. They thanked him, but replied tliat, come 
what might, they would see the enterprise to an end. 
Another officer remarked in his hearing that one of 
the invalids had a very delicate constitution. “ Don’t 
tell ms of constitution,” said Wolfe; “he has good 
spirit, and good spirit will carry a man through 
^ Ymdrmtl an Miniitre, 6 Octobte, 1769 


everything. An immense moral force bore up his 
own frail body and forced it to its work. 

Major Robert Stobo, who, five years before, had 
been given as a hostage to the French at the capture 
of Fort Necessity, arrived about this time in a vessel 
from Halifax. He had long been a prisoner at 
Quebec, not always in close custody, and had used 
his opportunities to acquaint himself with the neigh- 
borhood. In the spring of this year he and an officer 
of rangers named Stevens had made their escape with 
extraordinary skill and darmg; and he now returned 
to give his countrymen the benefit of his local knowl- 
edge.® His biographer says that it was he who 
directed Wolfe in the choice of a landing-place.® 
Be this as it may, Wolfe in person examined the 
river and the shores as far as Pointe-aux-Tremblesj 
till at length, landing on the south side a little above 
Quebec, and looking across the water with a tele- 
scope, he descned a path that ran with a long slope 
up the face of the woody precipice, and saw at the 
top a cluster of tents. They were those of Vergor’s 
guard at the Anse du Foulon, now called Wolfe’s 
Cove. As he could see but ten or twelve of them, 
he thought that the guard could not be numerous, 
and might be overpowered. His hope would have 
been stronger if he had known that Yergor had once 

1 Enox, li, 61, 66 

3 Letters in Boston Post Boy, No 97, and Boston Evening Post, No. 

* Mmotrs of Major Robert Stobo Cunons, tut often inexact. 



beea tried for miscondnct and cowardice in the 
surrender of Beausdiour, and saved from merited 
disgrace by the friendship of Bigot and the protec- 
tion of Vaudreuil.^ 

The morning of the seventh was fair and warm, 
and the vessels of Holmes, their crowded decks gay 
with scarlet uniforms, sailed up tlio river to Cap- 
Rouge. A lively scene awaited them; for here were 
the headquarters of Bougainville, and hei'e lay his 
principal force, while tire rest watched tire banks' 
above and below. The cove into which the little 
river runs was guarded by floating batteries; the 
surrounding shore was defended by breastworks; and 
a large body of regulars, militia, and mounted Cana- 
dians in blue uniforms moved to and fro, witli rest- 
less activity, on tlie hills behind. When the vessels 
came to anchor, tlie horsemen dismounted tuid formed 
in line with the infantry; then, witli loud shouts, the 
whole rushed down tlie heights to man their works 
at the shore. That true Briton, Captain Knox, 
looked on with a critical eye from tlie gangway of 
his ship, and wrote that night in his Diary that tlioy 
had made a ridiculous noise. “How different I” he 
exclaims, “how nobly awful and expressive of true 
valor is the eustomaiy silence of the British troops 1 ” 

In the afternoon the ships opened fire, while the 
troops entered the boats and rowed up and down as 
if looking for a landing-place. It was but a feint of 
Wolfe to deceive Bougainville as to his real design. 

I See tupra, i> 26S. 

1769 .] 



A heavy easterly rain set in. on the next morning, 
and lasted two days without respite. All operations 
were suspended, and the men suffered greatly in the 
crowded transports. Half of them were therefore 
landed on the south shore, where they made their 
quarters in the village of St. Nicolas, refreshed them- 
selves, and dried their wet clothmg, knapsacks, and 

For several successive days the squadron of Holmes 
was allowed to drift up the river with the flood tide 
and down vnth the ebb, -thus passing and repassing 
incessantly between the neighborhood of Quebec on 
one hand, and a point high above Cap-Rouge on the 
other; while Bougainville, perplexed, and always 
expecting an attack, followed the ships to and fro 
along the shore, by day and by night, till his men 
were exhausted with ceaseless forced marches.^ 

At last the time for action came. On Wednes- 
day, the twelfth, the troops at St. Nicolas were 
embarked again, and all were told to hold themselves 
in readiness. Wolfe, from the flagship “Suther- 
land,” issued his last general orders. “The enemy’s 
force is now divided, great scaroily of provisions in 
their camp, and universal discontent among the 
Canadians. Our troops below are in readiness to 
join us ; all the light artillery and tools are embarked 
at the Point of Levi; and the troops will land where 
the French seem least to expect it. The first body 
that gets on shore is to march directly to the enemy 

1 Joann^i, Major de Quibec, MAnotrt sur la Campagne dt 1760 


and drive them from any litllo post they may oootipy; 
the olBcera must he careful that the succooding bodies 
do not by any mistake fire on tlioae who go be Core 
them. The battalions must foriii ou the upper 
ground with expedition, and bo ready to charge 
whatever presents itself. When the artillery and 
troops are landed, a coips will bo loft to secure the 
landing-place, while the inst march on and endeavor 
to bring the Canadians and French to a battle. The 
officers and men will remember what their country 
expects from them, and what a determined body of 
soldiers inured to war is capable of doing against five 
weak French battalions mingled with a disorderly 

The spirit of the ai-my answered to that of its chief. 
Tho troops loved and admired thoir general, trusted 
tlieir officers, and were muly for any attempt, “ Nay, 
how could it be otlierwise,” quaintly asks honest 
Sergeant John Johnson, of tho fifty-eighth legimont, 
“being at tho heels of gentloinen whoso whole thirst, 
equal with their general, was for gloiy? We had 
seen them tried, and always found them sterling. 
We knew that they would stand by us to the last 

Wolfe had thirty-six hundred men and officers 
with him on board the vessels of Holmes; and he 
now sent orders to Colonel Burton at Point Levi to 
bring to his aid all who could be spared from that 
place and the Point of Orleans. They were to march 
along the south bank, after nightfall, and wait 


farther orders at a designated spot convenient for 
embarkation. Their number was about twelve hun- 
dred, BO that the entire force destined for the enter- 
prise was at the utmost foriy-eight hundred.^ With 
these, Wolfe meant to climb the heights of Abraham 
in the teeth of an enemy who, though much reduced, 
were still twice as numerous as their assailants.® 

Admiral Saunders lay with the main fleet in the 
Basin of Quebec. This excellent officer, whatever 
may have been his views as to the necessity of a 
speedy departure, aided Wolfe to the last with 
unfailing energy and zeal. It was agreed between 
them that while the general made the real attack, 
the admiral should engage Montcalm’s attention by a 
pretended one. As mght approached, the fleet 
ranged itself along the Beauport shore; the boats 
were lowered and filled with sailors, mannes, and 
the few troops that had been left behind; while ship 
signalled to ship, cannon flashed and thundered, and 
shot ploughed the beach, as if to clear a way for 
assailants to land. In tbe gloom of the evening the 
effect was imposing. Montcalm, who thought that 
the movements of the English above the town were 

1 See Note, end of chapter 

Including Bougainville’s command An escaped prisoner told 
Wolfe, a few days before, that Montcalm still had fourteen thou- 
sand men Journal of an E-opeditvm on the River St Lawrence This 
meant only those m the town and the camps of Beauport. " 1 don’t 
believe their whole army amounts to that number,” wrote Wolfe to 
Colonel Burton, on the tenth He knew, however, that if Montcalm 
could bring all his troops together, the Erench would outnumber him 
more than two to one. 


only a feint, that their main force was still below it, 
and that Uieir real attack would bo made there, was 
completely deceived, and massed his troops in front 
of Beaujiort to repel tiio expected landing. But 
wlnle in the fleet of Sauudei-s all was ujiroar and 
ostentatious menace, tlie danger was ten miles away, 
where the squadron of Holmes lay tranquil and silent 
at its anchorage o£E Cap-Eouge. 

It was less tranquil than it seemed. All on board 
knew that a blow would be struck that night, though 
only a few high officers knew where. Colonel Howe, 
of the light infantry, called for volunteers to lead the 
unknown and desperate venture, promising, in the 
words of one of them, “tiiat if any of us survived we 
might depend on being recommended to the gen- 
eral.”^ As many as wore wanted — twenty-four in 
all — soon came forward. Tliirty largo bateaux and 
some boats belonging to the squadron lay moored 
alongside tlie vessels; and late in the evening tho 
troops were ordered into tliom, the twenty-four 
volunteers taking tlieir place in tlie foremost. They 
held in all about seventeen hundred men. The rest 
remained on hoard. 

Bougainville could discern the movement, and 
misjudged it, thinking that he himself was to be 
attacked, The tide was still flowing} and, the 
better to deceive him, the vessels and boats were 

1 Journal of the Partiaular TVansaction* during tht Stegt of 
The writer, a soldier in the light infantry, says ho was one of the 
first eight who came forward. See Note» and Quoriei, xx, 870. 

1769.] THE TROOPS EMBARK. 127 

allowed to dnft upward with it for a little distance, 
as if to land above Cap-Rouge. 

The day had been fortunate for Wolfe. Two 
deserters came from the camp of Bougainville with 
intelligence that, at ebb tide on the next night, he 
was to send down a convoy of provisions to Mont- 
calm. The necessitiea of the camp at Beauport, and 
the difficulties of transportation by land, had before 
compelled the French to resort to this perilous means 
of conveying supphes; and their boats, drifting m 
darkness under the shadows of the northern shore, 
had commonly passed in safety. Wolfe saw at once 
that, if his own -boats went down in advance of the 
convoy, he could turn the inteUigence of the deserters 
to good account. 

He was still on board the “Sutherland.” Every 
preparation was made, and every order given; it only 
remained to wait the turmng of the tide. Seated 
with hi m in the cabin was the commander of the 
sloop-of-war “Porcupine,” his former school-fellow, 
John Jervis, afterwards Earl St. Vincent. Wolfe 
told him that he expected to die in the battle of the 
next day; and taking from his bosom a miniature of 
Miss Lowther, his betrothed, he gave it to him with 
a request that he would return it to her if the pre- 
sentiment should prove true.^ 

Towards two o’clock the tide began to ebb, and a 
fresh wind blew down the river. Two lanterns were 
raised into the maintop shrouds of the “Sutherland.” 

1 Tucker, of Earl St Vincent, 1 . 10. (London, 18d4 } 


It was the appointed signal; the hoals oust off and 
fell down with the current, those of the light infantry 
leading the way. Tho vessels with the i-cst of tlio 
troops had ordora to follow a little later. 

To look for a moment at tho ohaneos on which this 
bold adventure hung. First, tho dosertors told Wolfe 
tliat provision-boats wore ordered to go down to 
Quebec that night; secondly, Bougainvillo counter- 
manded them; thirdly, tho sentries posted along Hie 
heights were told of tho Older, but not of the counter- 
mand;^ fourthly, Vorgor at tho Anse du Foulon 
had permitted most of his men, chiefly Canadians 
from Lorette, to go home for a time and work at 
thoir harvesting, on condition, it is said, that they 
should afterwards work in a neighboring field of his 
own;* fifthly, he koiit careless watch, and wont 
quietly to bod; sixthly, the battalion of Guienne, 
ordered to take post on tho Plains of Abraham, had, 
for reasons unexplained, remained encamped by the 
St. Charles;® and lastly, when Bougainville saw 
Holmes’s vessels drift down the stream, he did not 
tax his weary troops to follow tliem, thinking tliat 
they would return as usual with the flood tide.* But 
for these conspiring circumstances New France might 
have lived a little longer, and the I'mitloss heroism of 
Wolfe would have passed, with oountloss other 
heroisms, into oblivion. 

1 Jomnd tenu d etc 

* Mfmoires sur le Canada, 1740-1760. 

^ Eohgny, Journal mfmoratif. Journal tenu d I’Armde, etc. 

* Johnstone, Dialogue, Vaudreuil an Mimebe, 6 Oclobie, 1760. 


For full two hours the procession of boats, borne 
on the current, steered silently down the St. 
Lawrence. The stars were visible, but the night 
was moonless and sufficiently dark. The general 
was m one of the foremost boats, and near him was a 
young midshipman, John Robison, afterwards pio- 
fessor of natuial philosophy in the Universily of 
Edinburgh. He used to tell in his later life how 
Wolfe, with alow voice, repeated Gray’s “Elegy in a 
Oountiy Churchyard ” to the officers about him. Prob- 
ably it was to relieve the intense strain of his 
thoughts. Among the rest was the verse which his 
own fate was soon to illustrate, — 

" The paths of gloiy lead but to tlie grare." 

“Gentlemen,” he said, as his recital ended, “I 
would rather have written those lines than take 
Quebec.” None were there to teD. him that the hero 
is greater than the poet. 

As they neared their destination, the tide bore 
them in towards the shore, and the mighty wall of 
rock and forest towered in darkness on their left. 
The dead stillness was suddenly broken by the sharp 
Qut mv6 / of a French sentry, invisible in the thick 
gloom. Franca I answered a Highland officer of 
Fraser’s regiment from one of the boats of the light 
infantry. He had served in HoUaud, and spoke 
French fluently. 

A qnd rSgiment? 

J)e la Revne^ replied the Highlander. He knew 

TOI. Ill — 9 


iihat a part of that corps was with Bougainville. The 
sentry, expecting the convoy of provisions, was 
satisfied, and did not ask for the password. 

Soon after, the foremost boats wore passing the 
heights of Samos, when another sentry challenged 
them, and tliey could see him through Bio darkness 
running down to the edge of the water, within range 
of a pistol-shot. In answer to his questions, the 
same officer replied, in French: “Provision-boats. 
Don’t make a noise; the English will hear us.” ^ In 
fact, the sloop-of-war “Hunter” was anchored in 
the stream not far off. This time, again, the sentry 
let them pass. In a few moments they rounded Bie 
headland above the Ause du Poulon. There was no 
sentry there. The strong current swept the boats of 
the light infantiy a httde below the intended landing- 
place.* They disembarked on a narrow strand at the 
foot of heights as steep as a hill covered with trees 
can be. The twenty-four volunteers led the way, 
climbing with what silence they might, closely fol- 
lowed by a much larger body. When they reached 
the top they saw in Bie dim light a cluster of tents 
at a short distance, and immediately made a dash at 
them. Vergor leaped from bod and tried to run off, 
but was shot in Bie heel and captured. His men, 
taken by surprise, made little resistance. One or 
two were caught, and the rest fled. 

1 See a note of Smollett, Historif of England, v. 66 (cd 1805). 
Sergeant Johnson, Yaudreuil, Pohgny, and the Journal ofPaitieuIar 
TransaetioM give similar accounts. 

* Saunders to Pitt, 20 September, Journal of Sergeant Johnson, 
Compare Knox, il 67. 


The main body of troops waited in their boats 
the edge of the strand. The heights near by were 
cleft by a great ravine choked with forest trees ; and 
in its depths ran a little brook called Ruisseau St. - 
Denis, which, swollen by the late rains, fell plashing 
m the stillness over a rock. Other than this no 
sound could reach the strained ear of Wolfe but the 
gurgle of the tide and the cautious climbing of his 
advance-parties as they mounted the steeps at some 
little distance from where he sat listening. At 
length from the top came a sound of musket-shots, 
followed by loud huzzas, and he Imew that his men 
were masters of the position. The word was given, 
the troops leaped from the boats and scaled the 
heights, some here, some there, clutching at trees 
and bushes, their muskets slung at their backs. 
Tradition still points out the place, near tiie mouth 
of the ravine, where the foremost reached the top. 
Wolfe said to an officer near him: “You can try it, 
but I don’t think you ’ll get up.” He himself, how- 
ever, found strength to drag himself up with the 
rest. The narrow slanting path on the face of the 
heights had been made impassable by trenches and 
abattis; but all obstructions were soon cleared away, 
and then the ascent was easy. In the gray of the 
morning the long file of red-coated soldiers moved 
quickly upward, and formed in order on the plateau 

Before many of them had reached the top, cannon 
were heard close on the left. It was the battery at 


Samos firing on the boats in the roar and the vosaols 
descending from Oaii-Ronge. A party was sent to 
silence it; this was soon elfeoled, and tlio more dis- 
tant battery at Sillory was next attacked and taken. 
As fast as the boats wore emptied tlioy returned for 
tlie troops left on boai'd the vessels and for those 
waiting on the southern shore under Colonel Burton. 

The day broke in clouds and Hireatoning ram. 
Wolfe’s battalions were drawn up along the crest of 
the heights. No enemy was in sight, though a body 
of Canadians bad sallied from tlie town and moved 
along the strand towards the landing-place, whence 
they were quickly driven back. lie had achieved the 
most critical part of his enterprise ; yet the success 
that he coveted placed him in imminent danger. On 
one side was the garrison of Quebec and the army 
of Beauport, and Bougmnville was on the other. 
Wolfe’s alternative was victoiy or ruin; for if he 
should bo overwhelmed by a combined attack, retreat 
would be hopeless. His feelings no man can know; 
but it would be safe to say tliat hesitation or doubt 
had no part in them. 

He went to reconnoitre the ground, and soon came 
to the Plains of Abraham, so called from Abraham 
Martin, a pilot known os Maitre Abraham, who had 
owned a piece of land here in the early times of the 
colony. The Plains were a tract of grass, tolerably 
level in moat parts, patched here and there with corn- 
fields, studded with clumps of bushes, and forming a 
part of the high plateau at tlie eastern end of which 

1759.] the line op BATTLE. 133 

Quebec stood. On the south it was bounded by the 
declivities along the St. Lawrence ; on the north, by 
those along the St. Charles, or rather along the 
meadows through which that lazy stream crawled like 
a writhing snake. At the place that Wolfe chose for 
his battle-field the plateau was less than a mile wide 

Thither the troops advanced, marched by files tih 
they reached the ground, and then wheeled to form 
their line of battle, which stretched across the 
plateau and faced the city. It consisted of six bat- 
talions and the detached grenadiers from Louisbourg, 
all drawn up in ranks three deep. Its right wing 
was near the brink of the heights along tlie St. 
Lawrence; but the left could not reach those along 
the St. Charles. On this side a wide space was per- 
force left open, and there was danger of being out- 
flanked. To prevent this, Brigadier Townshend was 
stationed here with two battalions, drawn up at right 
angles with the rest, and fronting the St. Charles. 
The battalion of Webb’s regiment, under Colonel 
Burton, formed the reserve; the third battalion of 
Boyal Americans was left to guard the landing ; and 
Howe’s light infantry occupied a wood far in the 
rear. Wolfe, with Monokton and Murray, com- 
manded the front line, on which the heavy fighting 
was to &11, and which, when aU the troops had 
arrived, numbered less than thirty-five hundred 

Quebec was not a mile distant, but they could 

1 See Note, end of chapter. 


not see it; for a ridge of broken ground intervened, 
called Buttes-k-Neveu, about six hundred paces off. 
The first division of troops had scarcely come up 
when, about six o’clock, this ndge was suddenly 
thronged with white uniforms. It was the battalion 
of Guienne, arrived at the eleventh hour from its 
camp by the St. Charles. Some time after there ivas 
hot firing in the rear. It came from a detachment of 
Bougainville ’a command attacking a house wheie 
some of the light infantry were posted. The assail- 
ants were repulsed, and the firing ceased. Light 
showers fell at intervals, besprinkling the troops as 
they stood patiently waiting the event. 

Montcalm had passed a troubled night. Through 
all the evening the cannon bellowed from the ships 
of Saunders, and the boats of the fleet hovered m 
the dusk off the Beauport shore, threatening every 
moment to land. Troops lined the iiitrenohments 
tiU day, while the general walked tlie field that 
adjoined his headquarters till one in the moniing, 
accompanied by the Chevalier Johnstone and Colonel 
Poulariez. Johnstone says that he atos in great 
agitation, and took no rest all night. At daybreak 
he heard the sound of cannon above the town. It 
was the battery at Samos firing on the English ships. 
He had sent an officer to the quarters of Vaudreuil, 
which were much nearer Quebec, with orders to bring 
him word at once should anything unusual happen. 
But no word came, and about six o’clock he mounted 
and rode thither with Johnstone. As they advanced. 




the oountiy behind the town opened more and more 
upon their sight; till at length, when opposite 
Vaudreuil’s house, they saw across the St. Charles, 
some two miles away, the red ranks of British 
soldiers on the heights beyond. 

“This is a serious husmess,” Montcalm said; and 
sent off Johnstone at full gallop to bring up the 
troops from the centre and left of the camp. Those 
of the right were in motion already, doubtless by the 
governor’s order. Vaudreuil came out of the house. 
Montcalm stopped for a few words ivith him ; then 
set spurs to his horse, and rode over the bridge of 
the St. Charles to the scene of danger.^ He rode 
with a fixed look, uttering not a word.® 

The army followed in such order as it might, 
crossed the bridge in hot haste, passed under the 
northern rampart of Quebec, entered at the Palace 
Gate, and pressed on in headlong march along the 
quaint narrow streets of the warlike town: troops of 
Indians in scalp-locks and war-paint, a savage glitter 
in their deep-set eyes; bands of Canadians whose 
all was at stake, — faith, country, and home; the 
colony regulars ; the battalions of Old France, a tor- 
rent oi white uniforms and gleaming bayonets, La 
Sarre, Languedoc, Roussillon, B6am, — victors of 
Oswego, William Henry, and Ticonderoga. So they 
swept on, poured out upon the plain, some by the 
gate of St. Louis, and some by that of St. .John, and 

1 Johnstone, Dialogue 

* Malartic d Bourlamaque,— Septembre, 1759 


hurried, breathless, to where the banners of Guienne 
still fluttered on the ridge. 

Montcalm was amazed at what he saw. He had 
expected a detachment, and he found an army Full 
in sight before him stretched the lines of Wolfe: tlie 
close ranks of tlie English infantry, a silent wall of 
red, and the wild array of the Highlanders, with 
their waving tartans, and bagpipes screaming defiance. 
Vaudreuil had not come; but not the less was felt 
the evil of a divided authority and the jealousy of the 
nval chiefs. Montcalm waited long for the forces 
he had ordered to ]om him from the left wing of the 
army. He waited in vain. It is said that the 
governor had detamed them, lest the English should 
attack the Beauport shore. Even if they did so, and 
succeeded, the French might defy them, could they 
but put Wolfe to rout on the Plains of Abraham. 
Neither did the garrison of Quebec come to the aid 
of Montcalm. He sent to Ramesay, its commander, 
for tweniy-five field-pieces which were on the Palace 
battery. Ramesay would give him only three, saying 
that he wanted them for his own defence. There 
were orders and counter-orders; misundeistanding, 
haste, delay, perplexity. 

Montcalm and his chief ofiScers held a council of 
war. It is said that he and they alike were for imme- 
diate attack. His enemies declare that he was afraid 
lest Vaudreuil should arrive and take command; but 
the governor was not a man to assume responsibilily 
at such a crisis. Others say that his impetuosity 




overcame hie better judgment; and of this charge it 
is hard to acquit him. Bougainville was but a few 
miles distant, and some of his troops were much 
nearer; a messenger sent by way of Old Lorette 
could have reached him in an hour and a half at 
most, and a combined attack m front and rear might 
have been concerted with him. If, moreover, Mont- 
calm could have come to an understanding with 
Vaudieuil, his own force might have been strength- 
ened by two or three thousand additional men from 
the town and the camp of Beauport; but he felt that 
there was no time to lose, for he imagined that 
Wolfe would soon be reinforced, which was impos- 
sible, and he believed that the English were fortify- 
ing themselves, which was no less an eraor. He has 
been blamed not only for fighting too soon, but for 
fighting at aU. In this he could not choose. Fight 
he must, for Wolfe was now in a position to out ofl 
all his supplies. His men were full of ardor, and he 
resolved to attack before their ardor cooled. He 
spoke a few words to them in his keen, vehement 
way. “I remember very weU how he looked,” one 
of the Canadians, then a boy of eighteen, used to say 
in his old age; “he rode a black or dark bay horse 
along the front of our lines, brandishing his sword, as 
if to excite us to do our duly. He wore a coat with 
wide sleeves, which fell back as he raised his arm, 
and showed the white linen of the wristband.” ^ 

The English waited the result with a composure 

1 EecoUections of Joseph Trahan, in Reoue Canadienne, ir. 866. 



which, if not quite real, was at least well feigned. 
The three field-pieces sent by Eamesay plied them 
with canister-shot, and fifteen hundred Canadians 
and Indians fusilladed them in front and flank. 
Over aU the plam, from behind bushes and knolls 
and the edge of cornfields, puffs of smoke sprang 
incessantly from the guns of these hidden marksmen. 
Skirmishers were thrown out before the lines to hold 
them in check, and the soldiers were ordered to lie 
on the grass to avoid the shot. The firing was live- 
liest on the Enghsh left, where bands of sharpshooters 
got under the edge of the declivity, among thickets, 
and behind scattered houses, whence they killed and 
wounded a considerable number of Townshend’s men. 
The light infantry were called up from the rear. The 
houses were taken and retaken, and one or more of 
them was burned. 

Wolfe was everywhere. How cool he was, and 
why his followers loved him, is shown by an incident 
that happened in the course of the morning. One 
of his captains was shot through the lungs ; and on 
recovering consciousness he saw the general standing 
at his side. Wolfe pressed his hand, told him not to 
despair, praised his services, promised him early 
promotion, and sent an aide-de-camp to Monckton to 
beg that officer to keep the promise if he himself 
should faU.i 

It was towards ten o’clock when, from the high 

1 Sir Senig Le Mardhant, cited by Wright, 679. Le Marchant 
ImeTr the captain in hig old age. Monckton kept Wolfe’g promise. 



1769 .] 

ground on the right of the line, Wolfe saw that the 
crisis was near. The French on the ridge had formed 
themselves into three bodies, regulars in the centre, 
regulars and Canadians on right and left. Two field- 
pieces, which had been dragged up the heights at 
Anse du Foulon, fired on them with grape-shot, and 
the troops, rising from the ground, prepared to 
receive them. In a few moments more they were m 
motion. They came on rapidly, uttering loud shouts, 
and firing as soon as they were within range. Tlieir 
ranks, iU ordered at the beat, were further confused 
by a number of Canadians who had been mixed 
among the regulars, and who, after hastily firing, 
threw themselves on the ground to reload.^ The 
British advanced a few rods; then halted and stood 
still. When the French were within forty paces the 
word of command rang out, and a crash of musketry 
answered all along the line. The volley was deliv- 
ered with remarkable precision. In the battalions 
of the centre, which had suffered least from the 
enemy’s bullets, the simultaneous explosion was 
afterwards said by French ofiScers to have sounded 
like a cannon-shot. Another volley followed, and 
then a furious clattering fire that lasted but a minute 
or two. When the smoke rose, a miserable sight 
was revealed" the ground cumbered with dead and 

^ “Les Canadiens, qm ^talent mSMa dans lea bataillons, se pres 
abrent de tirer et, dbs qu'ils I’eussent tait, de mettre ventre & terre 
poor cliarger, ce qui rompit tout I'ordre ” Malartic a Bourlamaqm 
26 Septembre, 1759 



[ 1759 . 

wounded, the advancing masses stopped short and 
turned into a frantic mob, shouting, cursing, gesticu- 
latmg. The order was given to charge. Then over 
tlie field rose the British cheer, mixed with the fierce 
yell of the Highland slogan. Some of the corps 
pushed forward with the bayonet; some advanced 
firing. The clansmen drew tlieir broadswords and 
dashed on, keen and swift as bloodhounds. At the 
Fmglia h right, though the attaolang column was 
broken to pieces, a fire was stiU kept up, chiefly, it 
seems, by sharpshooteis from the bushes and corn- 
fields, where they had lain for an hour or more. 
Here Wolfe himself led the charge, at the head of 
the Louisbourg grenadieis. A shot shattered his 
wrist. He wrapped his handkerchief about it and 
kept on. Another shot struck him, and he still 
advanced, when a third lodged in his breast. He 
staggered, and sat on the ground. Lieutenant 
Brown, of the grenadiers, one Henderson, a volun- 
teer in the same company, and a private soldier, 
aided by an ofilcer of artillery who ran to join them, 
earned him in their arms to the rear. He begged 
them to lay him down. They did so, and asked if 
he would have a surgeon. “There’s no need,” he 
answered; “it’s all over with me.” A moment 
after, one of them cried out; “They run; see how 
they run 1” “Who run?” Wolfe demanded, like a 
man roused from sleep. “The enemy, sir. Egad, 
they give way everywhere I ” “ Go, one of you, to 
Colonel Burton,” returned the dying man; “tell him 


to march Webb’s regiment down to Charles River, 
to cut off their reti-eat from the bridge.” Then, 
turning on his side, he murmured, “Now, God be 
praised, I will die in peace! ” and in a few moments 
his gallant soul had ded. 

Montcalm, still on horseback, was borne with the 
tide of fugitives towards the town. As he approached 
the walls a shot passed through his body. He kept 
his seat; two soldiers supported him, one on each 
side, and led his horse through the St. Louis Gate, 
On tlie open space within, among the excited crowd, 
were sevei-al women, drawn, no doubt, by eagerness 
to know the result of the fight. One of them recog- 
nized him, saw the streaming blood, and shrieked, 
“ 0 man Dim ! mon Dim > le Marquis est tui I ” “ It ’s 
nothing, it’s nothing,” replied the death-stricken 
manj “don’t be tioubled forme, my good friends,” 
(“ Oe n'est nen, ce a'est > ien ; ne voua affligez pas pour 
moi, mes homes amies. ”) 

ISoTE —There are several contemporarr versions of the dying 
words of Wolfe The report of Knox, given above, is by far the 
best attested Knox says that he took particular pains at the time 
to learn them accurately from those who were with Wolfe when 
they were uttered. 

The anecdote of Montcalm is due to the late Ron Malcolm Fraser, 
of Quebec He often heard it in his youth from an old woman, uho, 
when a gul, was one of the group who saw the wounded general led 
by, and to whom the words were addressed 

Force of the English and French at the Battle of Qiie&ec — The 
tabular return given by Knox shows the number of officers and men 
in each corps engaged According to this, the battalions as they 
stood on the Flams of Abraham before the battle varied in strength 
from 322 (Monckton's) to 088 (Webb’s), making a total of 4,828^ 



including officers But another return, less specific, signed Gemga 
Townshend, Btigadier, makes the entire number only 4,441 Towns- 
hend succeeded Wolfe in the command ; and this return, nrhich is 
preserved in the Public Becoid Office, was sent to London a few 
days oftei the battle Some French writers present put the number 
lower, perhaps for the reason that Webb’s regiment and the third 
battalion of Boyal Americans took no part in tlie fight, the one 
being in the rear as a lescrve, and tlie other also invisible, guarding 
the landing-place Wolfe’s front bne, which alone met and turned 
the French attack, was made up as follows, the figures includmg 
officers and men — 

Tbirty*6fth Begiment . . 610 
Fifty-eighth " . . 885 

Seventy-eighth “ . 662 

Louisbourg Grenadiers . 241 
Making a total of 8,265 

Twenty-eighth Regiment . 421 

Forty-seventh “ . 860 

Forty-third “ . 327 

Light Infantry .... 400 

The French force engaged cannot be precisely given Enox, on 
Information received ffom " an intelligent Frenchman,” states the 
number, corps by coips, the aggregate being 7,520 This, on exam- 
ination, plainly appeals exaggciated. Fraser puts it at 6,000; 
Tovrnshend at 4,470, includmg militia. Bigot says, 3,500, which 
may perhaps be as many as actually advanced to the attack, since 
some of the militia held hack Includmg Bougainville’s command, 
the mihtia and artillerymen left in the Beauport camp, the sailois 
at the town battenes, and the garrison of Quebec, at least as many 
of the French were out of the battle as were in it ; and the uumbeis 
engaged on each side seem to have been about equal. 

For authoritieB of the foregoing rhapter, see Appendix 1 



• ffAT.T. OS' QUEBEC. 

Aeteb the Battle — Cahadianb sebist the FcBBtiiT — Abbital 

Fsecipiiate Betheat op the Ekehch Abm^ — Last Hodrs 
OP Montoalu, Hia Death and Bdrial — Qlbbec abandoned 
TO iTB Fate — Dabfaibop the Gabbison —Levis joins tub 

The British ooodpv Quebec — Slanders op Vaudbedil — 
Blception in England op the News of Wolpb’s Viotobt 
AND Death — Prediction or Jonathan Mathew 

“ Never was rout more complete than that of our 
army,” says a French official.^ It was the more so 
because Montcalm held no teoops in reserve, but 
launched his whole force at once against the English. 
Nevertheless there was some resistance to the pursuit. 
It came chiefly from the Canadians, many of whom 
had not advanced with the regulars to the attack. 
Those on the right wmg, instead of doing so, threw 
themselves into an extensive tract of bushes that lay 
m front of the English left; and from this cover they 
opened a fire, too distant for much efEect, till the 
victors advanced in their turn, when the shot of the 

1 Daine au Jiftmelrt, 9 Octohn, 1759. 



[ 1769 . 

hidden marksmen told severely upon them. Two 
battahons, therefore, deployed before the bushes, 
fired voUeys into them, and drove their occupants 

Again, those of the Canadians who, before the 
■main battle began, attacked the English left from the 
brink of the plateau towards the St. Charles, with- 
drew when the rout took place, and ran along the 
edge of the declivity till, at the part of it called Cote 
Ste.-Genevi6ve, they came to a place where it was 
overgrown with thickets. Into these they threw 
themselves; and were no sooner under cover than 
they faced about to fire upon the Highlanders, who 
presently came up. As many of these mountaineers, 
according to their old custom, threw down their 
muskets when they charged, and had no weapons 
but their broadswords, they tned in vain to dislodge 
the marksmen, and suffered greatly in the attempt. 
Other troops came to their aid, cleared the thickets, 
after stout resistance, and drove their occupants 
across the meadow to the bridge of boats. The con- 
duct of the Canadians at the COte Ste.-Genovi6ve 
went far to atone for the shortcomings of some of 
them on the battle-field. 

A part of the fugitives escaped into the town by 
tbe gates of St. Louis and St. John, while the greater 
lumber fled along the front of the ramparts, rushed 
,lo-wn the declivity to the suburb of St. Roch, and 
ran over the meado-ws to the bridge, protected by the 
cannon of the to^ and the two armed hulks in the 


river. The rout had but just begun when Vaudreixil 
crossed the bridge from the camp of Beauport. It 
was four hours since he first heard the alarm, and his 
quarters were not much more than two miles from 
the battle-field. He does not explain why he did not 
come sooner; it is certain that his coming was well 
timed to throw the blame on Montcalm in case of 
defeat, or to claim some of the honor for himself in 
case of victory. “Monsieur the Marquis of Mont- 
calm,” he says, “unfortunately made his attack before 
I had joined liim.”i His joining him could have 
done no good; for though he had at last brought 
with him the rest of the militia from the Beauport 
camp, they had come no farther than the bridge over 
the St. Charles, having, as he alleges, been kept 
there by an unauthorized order from the chief of 
staff, Montreml.® He declares that the regulars 
were in such a fright that he could not stop them; 
but that the Canadians listened to his voice, and 
that it was he who rallied them at the COte Ste.- 
Genevifive. Of this the evidence is his own word. 
From other accounts it would appear that the Cana- 
dians raUied themselves. Vaudreuil lost no time in 
recrossmg the bridge and joining the militia in the 
redoubt at the farther end, where a crowd of fugitives 
soon poured in after him. 

The aide-de-camp Johnstone, mounted on horse- 
back, had stopped for a moment m what is now the 

1 Vaudreuil au Mimstre, 21 Septembre, 1769. 

* Ihd,, 6 Octoiie, 1769 
voi. in — 10 

146 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1769. 

suburb of St. John to encourage some soldiers who 
were trying to save a cannon that had stuck fast in a 
marshy hollow; when, on spurring his horse to the 
higher ground, he saw within musket-shot a long 
line of British troops, who immediately fired upon 
him. The bullets whistled about his ears, tore his 
clothes, and wounded his horse; which, however, 
carried him along the edge of the declivity to a wind- 
mill, near which was a roadway to a bakehouse on 
the meadow below. He descended, crossed the 
meadow, reached the bridge, and rode over it to the 
great redoubt or homwork that guarded its head. 

The place was full of troops and Canadians in a 
wild panic. “It is impossible,” says Johnstone, “to 
imagine the disorder and confusion I found in the 
homwork. Consternation was general. M. de 
Vaudreuil listened to everybody, and was always of 
the opinion of him who spoke last. On the appear- 
ance of the Enghsh troops on the plain by tho bake- 
house, Montguet and La Motte, two old captains in 
the regiment of Bdam, cried out with vehemence to 
M. de Vaudreuil ‘ that the homwork would be taken 
in an instant by assault, sword in hand; that we all 
should be cut to pieces without quarter; and that 
nothing would save us but an immediate and general 
capitulation of Canada, giving it up to the English.’ ” ^ 

1 Contaaed ty Journal tenu & PArmie, etc “Divers offlcieis des 
troupes de terre n’hdsit&rent point & dire, tout haut en presence du 
soldat, qu’il ne nous restoit d’autre ressource,que celle de oapltuler 
promptement pour touts la colonie,” etc, 



1759 ] 

Yet the river was wide and deep, and the homwork 
was protected on the water side by strong palisades, 
with cannon Nevertheless there rose a general cry 
to cut the bridge of boats. By doing so more than 
half the army, who had not yet crossed, would have 
been sacrificed. The axemen were already at work, 
when they weie stopped by some officers who had 
not lost their wits. 

“M. de Vaudreml,” pursues Johnstone, “was 
closeted m a house in the inside of the hornwork with 
the Intendant and some other persons. I suspected 
they were busy drafting the articles for a general 
capitulation, and I entered the house, where I had 
only time to see the Intendant, with a pen in his 
hand, writing upon a sheet of paper, when M. de 
Vaudreml told me I had no business there. Having 
answered him that what he had said was true, I 
retired immediately, in wrath to see them intent on 
giving up so scandalously a dependency for the pres- 
ervation of which so much blood and treasure had 
been expended.” On going out he met Lieutenant- 
Colonels Dalquier and Poulariez, whom he begged to 
prevent tlie apprehended disgrace, and, in fact, if Vau- 
dreuil really meant to capitulate for the colony, he was 
presently dissuaded by firmer spirits than his own. 

Johnstone, whose horse could carry him no farther, 
set out on foot for Beauport, and, in his own words, 
“continued sorrowfully jogging on, with a very 
heavy heart for tlie loss of my dear friend M. de 
Montcalm, sinking with weariness, and lost in refleo* 




tion upon tihe changes which Pro-vidence had brought 
about in the space of three or four hours.” 

Great indeed were these changes. Montcalm was 
dying; his second m command, the Brigadier Sene- 
zergues, was mortally wounded; the army, routed 
and demorahzed, was virtually without a head; and 
the colony, yesterday cheered as on the eve of deliv- 
erance, was plunged into sudden despair. “Ah, what 
a cruel dayl” cries Bougainville; “how fatal to all 
that was dearest to us I My heart is tom in its most 
tender parts. We shall be fortunate if the approach 
of winter saves the country from total ruin.” * 

The victors were fortifying themselves on the 
field of battle. Like the French, they had lost two 
generals; for Monckton, second in rank, was disabled 
by a musket-shot, and the command had fallen upon 
Townshend at the moment when the enemy were in 
full fight. He had recalled the pursuers, and formed 
them again in line of battle, knowing that another 
foe was at hand. Bougainville, in fact, appeared at 
noon from Cap-Rouge with about two thousand men ; 
but withdrew on seeing double that force prepared 
to receive him. He had not heard till eight o’clock 
that the English were on the Plains of Abraham; 
and the delay of his arrival was no doubt due to his 
endeavors to collect as many as possible of his 
detachments posted along the St. Lawrence for many 
miles towards Jacques-Cartier. 

Before midnight the English had made good prog- 
ress in their redoubts and intrenchments, had brought 
1 BougainviUe ik Bourlamaque, 18 Septtmbn, 1769. 



1769 .] 

cannon up the heights to defend them, planted a 
battery on the G6te Ste. -Genevieve, descended into 
the meadows of the St. Charles, and taken possession 
of the General Hospital, with its crowds of sick and 
wounded. Their -victory had cost them six himdred 
and sixiy-four of all ranks, killed, wounded, and 
missing. The French loss is placed by Yaudreuil at 
about SIX hundred and foriy, and ly the English 
ofScial reports at about fifteen hundred. Measured 
by the numbers engaged, the battle of Quebec was 
but a heavy skirmish; measured by results, it was 
one of the great battles of the world. 

Vaudreuil went from the homwork to his quarters 
on the Beauport road and called a council of war. 
It was a tumultuous scene. A letter was despatched 
to Quebec to ask ad-vice of Montcalm. The dying 
general sent a brief message to the effect that there 
was a threefold choice, — to fight again, retreat to 
Jacques-Cartier, or give up the colony. There was 
much in favor of fightmg. When Bougain-ville had 
gathered all his force from the river above, he would 
have three thousand men; and these, joined to the 
garrison of Quebec, the sailors at the batteries, and 
the militia and artillerymen of the Beauport camp, 
would form a body of fresh soldiers more than equal 
to the English then on the Plains of Abraham. Add 
to these the defeated troops, and the -victors would 
be greatly outnumbered.^ Bigot gave his voice for 

1 Bigot, as well as Yaudreuil, sets BougaiUTille’s force at three 
thousand “En rdunissant le corps de M. de Bougamnlle, les 




fighting. Vaudreuil expressed himself to the same 
effectj but he says that all the officers were against 
him. “In vain I remarked to these gentlemen that 
we were superior to the enemy, and should heat them 
if we managed well. I could not at all change tlieir 
opinion, and my love for the service and for the col- 
ony made me suhscriho to the views of the council. 
In fact, if I had attacked the English against the 
advice of all the principal officers, their ill-vvill would 
have exposed me to the risk of losing the battle and 
the colony also.” ^ 

It was said at the time that the officers voted for 
retreat because they thought Vaudreuil unfit to com- 
mand an army, and, still more, to fight a battle. ^ 
Theie was no need, however, to fight at once. The 
object of the Enghsh was to take Quebec, and that 
of Vaudreuil should have been to keep it. By a 
march of a few miles he could have joined Bougain- 
ville j and by then intrenching himself at or near 
’ Ste.-Foy he would have placed a greatly superior 
force in the Enghsh rear, where his position might 
have been made impregnable. Here he might be 

bataillons de Montreal [/aisi^ an camp deBeauporil et lagarmson dp 
la Tille, iL noua restoit encore pibs de 6000 liommeB de tioupes 
fialches " Journal tenu h PAi m4i. Vaudreuil says that there were 
fifteen hundred men m gamson at Quebec who did not take part 
in the battle, If this is correct, the number of fiesli troops aftoi it 
was not five thousand, but more than bi\ ^ousand ; to whom the 
defeated force is to be added, making, after deducting killed and 
wounded, some ten thousand in all 

t Vaudreuil au Mimstte, 6 Octobre, 1769. 

* Mimoires iter h Canada, 1749-1760. 


easily furnished with provisions, and from hence he 
could readily throw men and supplies into Quebec, 
which the English were too few to invest. He 
could harass the besiegers, or attack them, should 
opportunity offer, and either raise the siege or so 
protract it that they would be forced by approach- 
mg winter to sail homeward, robbed of the fruit of 
their victory. 

At least he might have taken a night for reflection. 
He was safe behind the St. Charles. The English, 
spent by fighting, toil, and want of sleep, were in no 
condition to disturb him. A part of his own men 
were in deadly need of rest; the night would have 
brought refreshment^ and the morning might have 
brought wise counsel. Vaudreuil would not wait, 
and orders were given at once for retreat.^ It began 
at nine o’clock that evening. Quebec was abandoned 
to its fate. The cannon were left in the lines of 
Beauport, the tents in the encampments, and pro- 
visions enough in the storehouses to supply the army 
for a week. “The loss of the Marquis de Mont- 
calm,” says a French officer then on the spot, “robbed 
his successors of their senses, and they thought of 
nothing but flight; such was their fear that the 
enemy would attack the intrenchments the next day. 
The army abandoned the camp in such disorder that 
the hke was never known. ” * “ It was not a retreat, ” 
says Johnstone, who was himself a part of it, “but 

^ Lwre d^OrdreB, Qrdre du 13 Septembre, 1769. 

^ EoligiWi Journal mdmoratif 

152 PALL OF QUEBEC [1769. 

an abominable flight, with such disorder and confu- 
sion that, had the English known it, three hundred 
men sent after us would have been snlBcient to cut 
all our army to >pieces. The soldiers were all mixed, 
scattered, dispersed, and running as hard as they 
could, as if the English army were at their heels.” 
They passed Charlesbourg, Loiette, and St. Augustin, 
till, on the fifteenth, they found rest on the impreg- 
nable hiU of Jacques-Cariaer, by the blink of the St. 
Lawrence, thirty miles from danger. 

In the mght of humiliation when Vaudreuil aban- 
doned Quebec, Montcalm was breathing his last 
within its walls. When he was brought wounded 
from the field, he was placed in the house of the 
Surgeon Arnoux, who was then with Bourlamaque 
at Isle-aux-Noix, but whose youngei brother, also 
a surgeon, examined the wound and pronounced it 
mortal. “lam glad of it,” Montcalm said quietly; 
and then asked how long he had to live. “ Twelve 
hours, more or less,” was the reply. “So much the 
better,” he returned. "I am happy that I shall not 
live to see the surrender of Quebec.” He is reported 
to have said that since he had lost the battle it con- 
soled him to have been defeated by so brave an 
enemy; and some of his last words were in piaise of 
his successor, L^vis, for whose talents and fitness 
for command he expressed high esteem. When 
Vaudreuil sent to ask his opimon, he gave it; but 
when Ramesay, commandant of the garrison, came to 
receive his orders, he replied. “I will neither give 


orders nor interfere any further. I have much busi- 
ness that must he attended to, of greater moment 
than your ruined garrison and this wretched country. 
My time is very short; therefore pray leave me. I 
wish you all comfort, and to be happily extricated 
from your present perplexities.” Nevertheless he 
thought to the last of those who had been under his 
command, and sent the following note to Bngadier 
Townshend: “Monsieur, the humanity of the Eng- 
lish sets my m ind at peace concerning the fate of the 
French prisoners and the Canadians. Feel towards 
them as they have caused me to feel. Do not let 
them perceive that they have changed masters. Be 
their protector as I have been their father. 

Bishop Ponthriand, himself fast sinking with 
mortal disease, attended his death-bed and adminis- 
tered the last sacraments. He died peacefully at 
four o’clock on the morning of the fourteenth. He 
was in his forty-eighth year. 

In the confusion of the time no workman could he 
found to make a coffin, and an old servant of the 
Ursuhnes, known as Bonhomme Michel, gathemd a 
few boards and nailed them together so as to form a 
rough box. In it was laid the body of the dead 
soldier; and late in the evening of the same day he 
was carried to his rest. There was no tolling of 
bells or bring of cannon. The officers of the garrison 

1 1 am indebted to Abbd Bou for a copy of this note The last 
words of Montcalm, as above, are reported partly by Johnstone, and 
partly by Enox. 




followed the bier, and some of the populace, includ- 
ing women and children, joined the procession as it 
moved in dreary silence along the dusky street, 
shattered with cannon-ball and bomb, to the chapel 
of the Ursuline convent. Here a shell, bursting 
under the floor, had made a cavity which had been 
hollowed mto a grave. Three priests of the Cathe- 
dral, several nuns, Eamesay with his officers, and a 
throng of townspeople were present at the rite. 
After the service and the chant, the body was low- 
ered into the grave by the light of torches; and then, 
says the chronicle, “the tears and sobs burst forth. 
It seemed as if the last hope of the colony were buried 
with the remams of the General.”* In truth, the 
funeral of Montcalm was the funeial of New France.® 
It was no time for grief. The demands of the 
hour were too exigent and stern. When, on the 
morning after the battle, the people of Quebec saw 
the tents standing in the camp of Beauport, they 
thought the army still there to defend them.® 
Eamesay knew that the hope was vain. On ihe 
evening before, Vaudreuil had sent two hasty notes 
to tell him of his flight. “ The position of the enemy, ” 
wrote the governor, “becomes stronger every instant, 
and this, with other reasons, obliges me to retreat.” 
“I have received aU your letters. As I set out this 
moment, I pray you not to write again. You shall 

1 Urauhms de Qudbic, lii. 10 

* See Appendix, J 

* Sfdmotre dit Sieur de Ramesay, 

1769 .] 



hear from me to-morrow. I wish you good evening.” 
With these notes came the following order: “AI. 
de Ramesay is not to wait till the enemy carries the 
town by assault. As soon as provisions fail, he wiU 
raise the white flag.” This order was accompanied 
by a memorandum of terms which Ramesay was to 
ask of the victors ^ 

“What a blow for me,” says the unfortunate com- 
mandant, “ to find myself abandoned so soon by the 
army, which alone could defend the townl” His 
garrison consisted of between one and two hundred 
troops of the line, some four or five hundred colony 
troops, a considerable number of sailors, and the 
local mihtia.® These last were in a state of despair. 
The inhabitants who, during the siege, had sought 
refuge in the suburb of St. Roch, had returned after 
the battle, and there were now twenty-six hundred 
women and children, with about a thousand invalids 
and other non-combatants to be supported, though 
the provisions in the town, even at half rations, 
would hardly last a week. Ramesay had not been 
mformed that a good supply was left in the camps of 
Beauport; and when he heard at last that it was 
there, and sent out parties to get it, they found that 
the Indians and the famished country people had 
earned it off. 

1 M^moire pom servir d’Instruction h M. dt Bamesay, 13 Septembre, 
1750 Appended, with the foregoing notes, to the Memmre de 

* The English returns give a total of 616 French regulars in the 
place besides sailors and militia 




“Despondency,” he says again, “was complete; 
discouragement extreme and universal. Murmurs 
and complaints against tlie army that had abandoned 
us rose to a general outcry. I could not pievent the 
merchants, all of whom were officers of the town 
mihtia, from meetmg at the house of M. Daine, the 
mayor. There they declared for capitulating, and 
presented me a petition to that effect, signed by M. 
Dame and all the principal citizens.” 

Eamesay called a council of war. One officer 
alone, Fiedmont, captain of artillery, was for reduc- 
ing the rations still more, and holding out to the 
last. All the others gave their voices for capitula- 
tion ^ Eamesay might have yielded without dishonor; 
but he still held out tiU an event fraught with new 
hope took place at Jaoques-Cartier. 

This event was the arrival of Ldvis. On the 
afternoon of the battle Vaudreml took one rational 
step ; he sent a courier to Montreal to summon that 
able officer to his aid.* L^vis set out at once, reached 
Jaoques-Cartier, and found his worst fears realized. 
“The great number of fugitives that I began to meet 
at Three Rivers prepared me for the disorder in 
which I found the army. I never in my life knew 
tlie like of it. They left everything behind in the 
camp at Beauport; tents, baggage, and kettles.” 

1 Capie du Oonsetl de Guerre tenu par M. de Eamesay h. Qudbec, 16 
Septemtre, 1760. 

2 Levis & Bourlamague, 16 Ssptmbre, 1760. lAria, Guerre du 



1758 ] 

He spoke his mind freely; loudly blamed the 
retreat, and urged Vaudreuil to march back with aH 
speed to whence he eame.^ The governor, stiff at 
ordmary times, but phant at a crisis, welcomed the 
firmer mind that decided for him, consented that the 
troops should return, and wrote afterwards in his 
despatch to the minister: “I was much charmed to 
find M. de Ldvis disposed to march with the army 
towards Quebec.”* 

Ldvis, on his part, wrote: “The condition in 
which I found the army, bereft of everything, did 
not discourage me, because M. de Vaudreuil told me 
that Quebec was not taken, and that he had left 
there a sufficiently numerous garrison; I therefore 
resolved, in order to repair the fault that had been 
committed, to engage M. de Vaudreuil to march the 
army back to the relief of the place. I represented 
to him that this was the only way to prevent the 
complete defection of the Canadians and Indians; 
that our knowledge of the country would enable us 
to approach veiy near the enemy, whom we knew to 
be iatrenohing themselves on the heights of Quebec 
and constructing batteries to breach the walls ; that 
if we found their army ill posted, we could attack 
them, or, at any rate, could prolong the siege by 
throwing men and supplies into the town; and that 

1 Bigot ait Mimstre, 16 Ortobre, 1758. Mdtarhe h Bourlamague, 28 
Septembre, 1768. 

* “ Je fuB bien charmd,” etc. Vaudreuil au Mtmttre, 6 Oetobre, 

168 FALL OF QUEBEC [1769. 

if we could uot save it, we could evacuate and bum 
it, so that the enemy could not possibly winter 

Ldvis quickly made his presence felt in the military 
chaos about him. Bigot bestirred himself with his 
usual vigor to coUeet provisions ; and before the next 
morning all was ready.® Bougainville had taken no 
part in the retreat, but sturdily held his ground at 
Cap-Rouge while the fugitive mob swept by him. A 
hundred of the mounted Canadians who formed part 
of his command were now sent to Quebec, each with 
a bag of biscuit across his saddle. They were to 
circle round to the Beauport side, where there was 
no enemy, and whence they could cross the St. 
Charles in canoes to the town. Bougainville fol- 
lowed close with a larger supply. Vaudreuil sent 
Ramesay a message, revoking his order to surrender 
if threatened with assault, telling him to hold out to 
the last, and assuring him that tlie whole army was 
coming to his relief. L4vis hastened to be gone: 
but first he found time to write a few lines to Bour- 
lamaque. “We have had a very great loss, for we 
have lost M. de Montcalm. I regret him as my gen- 
eral and my fnend. I found our army here. It is 
now on the march to retrieve our fortunes. I can 
trust you to hold your position; as I have not M. de 
Montoabn’s talents, I look to you to second me and 
advise me. Put a good face on it. Hide this busi- 

1 Liaii an MiniHfe, 10 Navinibre, 1769, 

» Lwrt d'Ordrei, Ordre dxt 17-18 Septembrt, 1769. 




ness as long as you can. I am mounting my horse 
this moment. Wnte me all the news.”^ 

The army marched that mormng, title eighteenth. 
In the evening it reached St. Augustin; and here it 
was stopped by the chiUmg news that Quebec had 

Utter confusion had reigned m the disheartened 
garrison. Men deserted hourly, some to the country, 
and some to the English camp; while Townshend 
pushed his trenches nearer and nearer to the walls, 
m spite of the cannonade with which Piedmont and 
his artillerymen tned to check them. On the even- 
ing of the seventeenth, the English ships of war 
moved towards the Lower Town, and a column of 
troops was seen approaching over the meadows of the 
St. Charle,a, as if to storm the Palace Gate. The 
drums beat the alarm; but the mihtia refused to 
fight. Their officers came to Ramesay in a body; 
declared that they had no mind to sustain an assault; 
that they knew he had orders against it; that they 
would carry their guns back to the arsenal; that they 
were no longer soldiers, but citizens; that if the 
army had not abandoned them they would fight with 
as much spint as ever; but that they would not get 
themselves killed to no purpose. The town-major, 
Joannas, in a rage, beat two of them with the flat of 
his sword. 

The white flag was raised; Joannas pulled it 
down, thinking, or pretending to think, that it was 
1 Zibis Cl Bouilamague, IS Septembie, 1769 

160 PALL OP QUEBEC [1759. 

raised without authoriiy; but Ramesay presently 
ordered him to go to the Enghsh camp and get what 
terms he could. He went, through driving rain, to 
the quarters of Townsheud, and, in hope of the 
promised succor, spun out the negotiation to the 
utmost, pretended that he had no power to yield 
certain points demanded, and was at last sent back 
to confer with Ramesay, under a promise from the 
English commander that, if Quebec were not given 
up before eleven o’clock, he would take it by storm. 
On this Ramesay signed the articles, and Joannfis 
carried them back within the time prescribed. 
Scarcely had he left the town, when the Canadian 
horsemen appeared with their sacks of biscmt and a 
renewed assurance that help was near; but it was too 
late. Ramesay had surrendered, and would not 
break his word. He dreaded an assault, which he 
knew he could not withstand, and he but half 
beheved in the promised succor. “How could I 
trust it?” he asks. “The army had not dared to 
face the enemy before he had fortified himself, and 
could I hope that it would come to attack him in an 
intrenched camp, defended by a formidable artilleiy ? ” 
Whatever may be thought of his conduct, it was to 
Vaudreuil, and not to him, that the loss of Quebec 
was due. 

The conditions granted were favorable, for Towns- 
hend knew the danger of his position, and was glad 
to have Quebec on any terms. The troops and 
sailors of the garrison were to march out of tlie place 



with the honois of war, and to be carried to France. 
The inhabitants were to have protection in person 
and property, and free exercise of religion. ^ 

In the afternoon a company of artillerymen with a 
field-piece entered the town, and marched to the place 
of arms, followed by a body of infantry. Detach- 
ments took post at all the gates. The British fiag 
was raised on the heights near the top of Mountain 
Street, and the capital of New France passed into 
the hands of its hereditary foes. The question 
remained, should they keep, or destroy it? It was 
resolved to keep it at every nsk. The marines, the 
grenadiers from Louisbourg, and some of the rangers 
were to re-embark in the fleeti while the ten battalions, 
with the artillery and one company of rangers, were 
to remain behind, bide the Canadian winter, and 
defend the ruins of Quebec against the efforts of 
L^vis. Monokton, the oldest brigadier, was disabled 
by his wound, and could not stayj while Townshend 
returned home, to parade his laurels and claim more 
than his share of the honors of victory.* The com- 
mand, therefore, rested with Murray. 

The troops were not idle. Levelling their own 
field-works, repairing the defences of the town, 
storing provisions sent ashore from the fleet, m aking 
fascines, and cutting firewood, busied them through 

1 Articles de Capitulation, 18 Septimbre, 1760 
* Letter to on Honourable Bngadier-General [Townshend], printed 
in 1760. AEefiUalion soon after appeared, angry, but not conclu- 
sire. Other repUes will he found in the Imperial Magcunne for 1769 
voii. in. — 11 

162 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1769. 

the antomn days bright with sunshine, or dark and 
chin -with premonition of the bitter months to come. 
Admiral Saunders put off bis departure longer than 
he bad once thought possible; and it was past the 
middle of October when he fired a parting salute, 
and sailed down the river with his fleet. In it was 
the ship “Royal WiUiam,” carrying the embalmed 
remains of Wolfe. 

Montcalm lay in bis soldier’s grave before the 
humble altar of the Ursulines, nevermore to see the 
home for which he yearned, the wife, mother, and 
children whom ho loved, the olive-trees and chestnut- 
groves of his beloved Gandiac. He slept in peace 
among triumphant enemies, who respected his mem- 
ory, though they hardly knew his resting-place. It 
was left for a fellow-countryman — a colleague and 
a brother-in-aims — to belittle his achievements and 
blacken his name. The jealous spite of Vaudreuil 
pursued him even in death. Leaving L^vis to com- 
mand at Jacques-Cartier, whither the army had again 
withdrawn, the governor retired to Montreal, whence 
he wrote a series of despatches to justify himself at 
the expense of others, and above all of the slam 
general, against whom his accusations were never so 
bitter as now, when the bps were cold that could 
have answered them. First, he threw on Ramesay 
aU the blame of the surrender of Quebec. Then he 
addressed himself to his chief task, the defamation of 
his unconscious rival. “The letter that you wrote 
in cipher, on the tenth of February, to Monsieur the 


Marquis of Montcalm and me, m common,^ flattered 
his self-love to such a degree that, far from seeking 
conciliation, he did nothing hut try to persuade the 
public that his authority surpassed mine. From the 
moment of Monsieur de Montcalm's arrival in this 
colony down to that of his death, he did not cease to 
sacriflce eveiythiug to his boundless ambition. He 
sowed dissension among the troops, tolerated the 
most indecent talk against the government, attached 
to himself the most disreputable persons, used means 
to corrupt the most virtuous, and, when he could 
not succeed, became their cruel enemy. He wanted 
to be Governor-General. He privately flattered with 
favors and promises of patronage every officer of the 
colony troops who adopted his ideas. He spared no 
pains to gain over the people of whatever calhng, 
and persuade them of his attachment; while, either 
by himself or by means of the troops of the line, he 
made them bear the most frightful yoke (le joiig h 
plus affreuai). He defamed honest people, encouraged 
insubordination, and closed his eyes to the rapine of 
his soldiers.” 

This letter was written to Vaudreml’s official 
superior and confidant, the minister of the marine 
and colonies. In another letter, written about the 
same time to the mmister of war, who held similar 
relations to his rival, he declares that he “greatly 
regretted Monsieur de Montcalm.”* 

1 See anlt, 174. 

S Vaudreml au Mtmttre de la Ouerre, 1 Novembre, 17S8. 

164 PALL OP QUEBEC. [176ft 

Hi 8 charges are strange ones from a man who was 
by turns the patron, advocate, and tool of the official 
villains who cheated the King and plundered the 
people. Bigot, Cadet, and tlie rest of tlie harpies 
that preyed on Canada looked to Vaudreuil for sup- 
port, and found it. It was but three or four weeks 
smce he had written to the court in high eulogy of 
Bigot and effusive praise of Cadet, coupled with the 
request that a patent of nobility should be given to 
that notorious pubhc thief.^ The corruptions winch 
disgraced his government were rife, not only in the 
civil administration, but also among the officers of the 
colony troops, over whom he had complete control. 
They did not, as has been seen already, extend to 
the officers of the line, who were outside the ciiole of 
peculation. It was these who were the habitual asso- 
ciates of Montcalm j and when Vaudreuil charges 
him with “ attaching to himself the most disreputable 
persons, and using means to corrupt the most virtu- 
ous," the true interpretation of his words is that the 
former were disreputable because they disliked him 
(the governor), and the latter virtuous because they 
were his partisans. 

Vaudreuil continues thus: “I am in despair. 
Monseigneur, to be under the necessity of paintmg 
you such a portrait after death of Monsieur the 
Marquis of Montcalm. Though it contains the exact 
truth, I would have deferred it if his personal hatred 
to me were alone to be considered; but I feel too 
r See ante, 84, 


deeply the loss of the colony to hide from you the 
cause of it. I can assure you that if I had been the 
sole master, Quebec would still belong to the King, 
and that nothing is so disadvantageous in a colony as 
a division of authority and the mingling of troops of 
the line with marine \colony\ troops. Thoroughly 
knowing Monsieur de Montcalm, I did not doubt in 
the least that unless I condescended to all his wishes, 
he would succeed m ruining Canada and wrecking 
all my plana.” 

He then charges the dead man with losing the 
battle of Quebec by attacking before he, the governor, 
amved to take command; and this, he says, was 
due to Montcalm’s absolute determination to exercise 
independent authority, without oaring whether the 
colony was saved or lost. “I cannot hide from you. 
Monseigneur, that if he had had his way in past 
years Oswego and Fort George {William, Emry\ 
would never have been attacked or taken; and he 
owed the success at Ticonderoga to the orders I had 
given him. ” ^ Montcalm, on the other hand, declared 
at the time that Yaudreuil had ordered him not to 
nek a battle, and that it was only through his dis- 
obedience that Ticonderoga was saved. 

Ten days later Vaudreuil wrote again; “I have 
already had the honor, by my letter written in cipher 
on the thirtieth of last month, to give you a sketch 
of the character of Monsieur the Marquis of Mont- 
calm; but I have ]ust been informed of a stroke so 
1 Vaudreml au Mtmstre de la Marine, 30 Octobie, 1769 



[ 1750 , 

black lihat I think, Monseigneur, that I should fail 
in my duty to you if I did not tell you of it.” He 
goes on to say that, a little before his death, and “no 
doubt in fear of the fate that befell him,” Montcalm 
placed in the hands of Father Roubaud, missionary 
at St. Francis, two packets of papers containing 
remarks on the administration of the colony, and 
especially on the manner in which the military posts 
were furnished with supplies; that these observations 
were accompanied by certificates; and that they 
involved chargee against him, the governor, of com- 
plicity in peculation. Roubaud, he continues, was to 
send these papers to France; “but now. Mon- 
seigneur, that you are informed about them, I feel 
no anxiety, and I am sure that the King will receive 
no impression from them without acquainting him- 
self with their truth or falsity.” 

Vaudreuil’s anxiety was natural; and so was the 
action of Montcalm in making known to the court 
the outrageous abuses that threatened the King’s 
service with ruin. His doing so was necessary, both 
for his own justification and for the public good; and 
afterwards, when Vaudreuil and others were brought 
to trial at Paris, and when one of the counsel for the 
defence charged the late general with slanderously 
accusing his clients, the court ordered the charge to 
be struck from the record.^ The papers the existence 
of which, if they did exist, so terrified Vaudreuil, 
have thus for escaped research. But the corre- 

1 Procis dt Bigot, Cadet, et 


spondence of the two rivals with the chiefe of the 
departments on. which they severally depended is in 
large measure preserved; and while that of the gov- 
ernor IS filled with defamation of Montcalm and 
praise of himself, that of the general is neither 
egotistic nor abusive. The faults of Montcalm have 
sufficiently appeared. They were those of an impetu- 
ous, excitable, and impatient nature, by no means free 
from either ambition or vanity; but they were never 
inconsistent with the character of a man of honor. 
His impulsive utterances, reported by retainers and 
sycophants, kept Yaudreml in a state of chronic 
rage ; and, void as he was of aU magnammity, gnawed 
with undying jealousy, and mortally m dread of 
bemg compromised by the knaveries to which he had 
lent his countenance, he could not contain himself 
within the bounds of decency or sense. In another 
letter he had the baseness to say that Montcalm met 
his death in trying to escape from the English. 

Among the governor’s charges are some which 
cannot be flatly demed. When he accuses his rival 
of haste and precipitation in attackmg the English 
army, he touches a fair subject of critacism; but, as 
a whole, he is as false in his detraction of Montcalm 
as in his praises of Bigot and Cadet. 

The letter which Wolfe sent to Pitt a few days 
before his death, written m what may be called a 
spirit of resolute despair, and representing success 
as almost hopeless, filled England with a de]eotion 
that found utterance in loud grumbhngs against the 

168 FALL OF QUEBEC. [1760. 

ministry. Horace Walpole wrote the had news to 
his friend Mann, ambassador at Florence: “Two 
days ago came letteis from Wolfe, despairing as 
much as heroes can despaii. Quebec is well vict- 
ualled, Amherst is not arrived, and fifteen thousand 
men are encamped to defend it. We have lost many 
men by the enemy, and some by our friends 5 that is, 
we now call our nine thousand only seven thousand. 
How this httle army will get away from a much 
larger, and m this season, m that country, I don’t 
guess: yes, I do.” 

Hardly were these lines written when tidings came 
that MontCdIm was defeated, Quebec taken, and 
Wolfe killed. A flood of mixed emotion swept over 
England. Even Walpole grew half serious as he 
sent a packet of newspapers to his friend the ambas- 
sador. “You may now give yourself what airs you 
please. An ambassador is the only man in the world 
whom bullying becomes. All precedents are on your 
side. Persians, Greeks, Bomans, always insulted 
their neighbors when they took Quebec. Think 
how pert the French would have been on such an 
occasion I What a scene! An army in the mght 
dragging itself up a precipice by stumps of trees to 
assault a town and attack an enemy strongly in- 
trenched and double in numbers! The King is over- 
whelmed with addresses on our victories; he will 
have enough to paper his palace.”^ 

When, in soberer mood, he wrote the an-nak of 
^ Zetttrs of Eorom WdpoU, m. 254, 267 (ed Cumungham, 1867). 

1759.] NEWS OF TIGTORT. 169 

his time, and tamed, not for the better, from the 
epistolary style to the historical, he thus described 
the impression made on the English public by the 
touching and inspiring story of Wolfe’s heroism and 
death: “The incidents of dramatic fiction could not 
be conducted with more address to lead an audience 
from despondency to sudden exaltation than accident 
prepared to excite the passions of a whole people. 
They despaired, they tnumphed, and they wept; for 
Wolfe had fallen in the hour of victory. Joy, 
ounoaiiy, astonishment, was painted on every coun- 
tenance. The more they mquired, the more their 
admiration rose. Not an incident but was heroic 
and affecting.”! England blazed with bonfires. In 
one spot alone all was dark and silent; for here a 
■widowed mother mourned for a lo^ving and devoted 
son, and the people forbore to profane her grief -with 
the clamor of their rejoicings. 

New England had still more cause of joy than Old, 
and she filled the land -with jubilation. The pulpits 
resounded with sermons of thanksgi'ving, some of 
which were worthy of the occasion that called them 
forth. Among the rest, Jonathan Mayhew, a young 
but justly celebrated minister of Boston, pictured 
■with enthusiasm the future greatness of the Bntish- 
American colonies, ■with the continent thrown open 
before them, and foretold that, “■with the continued 
blessing of Heaven, they ■will become, in another 
century or two, a mighty empire;” adding in cau- 
1 Walpole, Memoirs of George IL, u. 384. 



[ 1769 . 

tious parenthesis, “/ do not mean an independent 
one." He read Wolfe’s victory aright, and divined 
its far-reaching consequence. 

Kots — The authorities of this chapter are, in the main, the 
same as those of the preceding, with some additions, the principal 
of which IS the Mtmmra du Sieur de Ramezay, Chevalier de I’Ordra 
royal et militaire de St -Louis, cy-devant Lieutenant pour le Roy com- 
mandant h Quebec, au eujet de la Baddition da eette Villa, gui a dtS suime 
de la Capitulation da 18 7^, 1760 (Archives de la Marine). To this 
document sure appended a number of important "pihces justifica- 
tives ” These, with the Mimoiia, have been printed by the Quebec 
Historical Society The letters of Vaudreuil cited in this chapter 
are chiefly from the Archives Rationales. 

If Montcalm, as Yaudreuil says, really intrusted papers to the care 
of the Jesuit missionary Houbaud, be was not fortunate in his choice 
of a depositazy After the war Boubaud renounced his Order, ab- 
jured his faith, and went over to the English He gave various and 
contradictory accounts of the documents said to be m his hands. 
On one occasion he declared that Montcalm's effects left with him 
at his mission of St Francis had been burned to prevent their fall- 
ing into the hands of the enemy (see Verreau, Report on Canadian 
Archives, 1874, 183) Again, he says that he had placed in the 
bands of the Kng of England certain letters of Montcalm (see Mr. 
Soubaud's Deplorable Case, humbly aabmitted to Lord Noith’s considera- 
tion, in Eiatoricol Magazine, Second Series, viii. 288) Yet again, 
he speaks of these same letters as "pretended" (Verreau, as above). 
He complams that some of them had been published, without his 
consent , " by a Lord belongmg to Hia Majesty's household " (Mr. 
Roubaud’s Deplorable Case). 

The allusion here is evidently to a pamphlet printed m London, 
in 1777 m French and English, and entitled, Lettres de Monsieur le 
Margate da Montcalm, Gouvemeur-Gfiteral en Canada, a Messtaura da 
Berryer et de la Mold, dentes dans let Anodes 1767, 1768, ef 1769, aveo 
tins Varsum Angloita They profess to be observations by Montcalm 
on the Enghsh colonies, their pohtioal character, their trade, and 
their tendency to mdependence. They bear the strongest marks of 
bemg fabricated to smt the times, the colonies bemg then in revolt. 
'The prmdpal letter is one addressed to Mold, and bearing date 
Quebec, August 24, 1769. It foretells the loss of her colonies as a 

1759 ,] 



consequence to England of her probable conquest of Canada I 
laid before the Massachusetts Historical Society my reasons for 
beUeving this letter, like the rest, an imposture (see the Proceedings 
of that Society for 1869-1870, 112-128). To these reasons it may 
be added that at the date assigned to the letter all correspond- 
ence iras stopped between Canada and b'rance From the arrival 
of the Enghsh fleet, at the end of spring, till its departure, late in 
autumn, commumcation was completely cut oS It was not till 
towards the end of November, when the river was clear of English 
ships, that the naval commander Kanon ran by the batteries of 
Quebec and earned to France the first news from Canada, Some 
of the letters thus sent were dated a month before, and bad waited 
in Canada till Kanon’s departure 

Abbe Verreau — a high authority on questions of Canadian his- 
tory — tells me a comparison of the handwriting has convinced him 
that these pretended letters of Montcalm are the work of Boubaud. 

On the bunal of Montcalm, see Appendix J. 


1769, 1760. 

Quebeo abtbb thb SntoE. — Caftaik Khox and thb Ndns. — 
Escapb of Fhenob Ships — Winteb at Qubbeo — Tbbbats 
OF LiiTis — Attacks — Skibmishbs —Feat of the Banoebs 
— Staie of the Garbison — The Fbenoh pbefare to be- 
take Quebec. — Advance op Levis — The Aearm — Sortie 
OF THE English — Hash Deterhination of Hubrat — 
Battle of Ste -Fot — Ebtbeat of the English — Lfivis 
BESIEGES Quebec — Spirit of the Gabbison — Peril of 
XHE iB Situation. — Belief — Quebec saved. — Beibeat of 
lifivis —The Netvs in England. 

The fleet was gone ; the great river was left a soli- 
tude; and the chill days of a fitful November passed 
over Quebec in alternations of rain and frost, sun- 
shine and snow. The troops, driven by cold from 
their encampment on the Plains, were all gathered 
withm the walls. Their own artillery had so battered 
the place that it was not easy to find shelter. The 
Lower Town was a wilderness of scorched and crum- 
bling walls. As you ascended Mountain Street, the 
Bishop’s Palace, on the nght, was a skeleton of tot- 
tering masonry, and the buildmgs on the left were a 
mass of ruin, where ragged boys were playing at see- 


long the fallen planks and timbers.^ Even in 
pper Town few of the churches and public 
.gs had escaped. The Cathedral was burned 
heU. The solid front of the College of the 
i was pockmarked by numberless cannon-balls, 
le adjacent church of the Order was wofully 
■ed. The church of the Rdcollets suffered 
lore. The bombshells that fell through the 
id broken into the pavement, and as they burst 
rown up the bones and skulls of the dead from 
ives beneath.® Even the more distant H6tel- 
?as pierced by fifteen projectiles, some of which 
ploded m the halls and chambers.® 
commissary-general, Berniers, thus describes 
irlamaque the state of the town: “Quebec is 
g but a shapeless mass of ruins. Confusion, 
er, pillage, reign even among the inhabitants, 
e English make examples of seventy every 
Everybody rushes hither and thither, without 
ng why. Each searches for his possessions, 
ot finding his own, seizes those of other people, 
ih and French, all is chaos alike. The inhah- 
famished and destitute, escape to the country, 
■was there seen such a sight.”* 
jbec swarmed with troops. There were guard- 

awings made on the spot hy Richard Short These drarrings, 
in number, were engrared and published in 1761 
ort’s Views tn Quebec, 1769. Compare Pontbnand, jaN.T. 
cs , X, 1,067. ^ 

sgrain, Hitel-Dieu de Quebec, 445 
:niiers a Bourlamaque, 27 Septembre, 1769. 




houses at twenty different points; sentinels paced the 
ramparts, squads of men went the rounds, soldiers 
off duty strolled the streets, some in mitre caps and 
some in black tliree-comered hats ; while a ceaseless 
rolling of drums and a rigid observance of military- 
forms betrayed the sense of a still imminent danger. 
While some of the inhabitants left town, others 
remained, having no refuge elsewhere. They were 
civil to the victors, but severe towards their late 
ruler. “The citizens,” says Knox, “particularly the 
females, reproach M. Vaudreuil upon every occasion, 
and give full scope to bitter invectives.” He praises 
the agreeable manners and cheerful spint of the 
Canadian ladies, concerning whom another officer 
also writes: “It is very surprising with what ease 
the gayety of their tempers enables them to bear 
misfortunes which to us would be insupportable. 
Families whom the calamities of war have reduced 
from the height of luxuiy to the want of common 
necessaries laugh, dance, and sing, comforting 
themselves with this reflection — Fortune de gverre. 
Their young ladies take the utmost pains to teach our 
officers French; with what view I know not, if it is 
not that they may hear themselves praised, flattered, 
and courted -without loss of time.’’^ 

Knox -was quartered in a small stable, -with a hay- 
loft above and a rack and manger at one end: a 

1 Alexander Campbell to John Uoyd, 22 Odeber, 1760 Campbell 
VM a beutenant of the Highlanders; Lloyd iras a Connecticut 


'ing better than fell to the lot of many of his 
her officers; and, by means of a stove and some 
) from a carpenter, he says that he made himself 
rably comfortable. The change, however, was 
iigreeable one when he was ordered for a week to 
General Hospital, a imle out of the town, where 
was to command the guard stationed to protect 
inmates and watch the enemy. Here were gath- 
[ the sick and wounded of both armies, nursed 
L equal care by the nuns, of whom Knos speaks 
1 gratitude and respect. “ When our poor fellows 
3 ill and ordered to be removed from their odious 
mental hospital to this general receptacle, they 
3 indeed rendered inexpressibly happy. Each 
ant has his bed, with curtains, allotted to him, 
a nurse to attend him. Every sick or wounded 
er has an apartment to himself, and is attended 
ne of these religious sisters, who m general are 
rg, handsome, courteous, rigidly reserved, and 
• respectful. Their office of nursing the sick 
ishes them with opportunities of taking great 
udes if they are so disposed; but I never heard 
of them charged with the least levity.” The 
1 , on their part, were well pleased with the con- 
; of their new masters, whom one of them 
ribes as the “most moderate of all conquerors.” 

[ hved here,” Knox continues, “at the French 
5*8 table, with an agreeable, polite society of 
ers, directors, and commissaries. Some of the 
lemen were married, and their ladies honored us 



[ 1759 , 

with their company. They were generally cheerful, 
except when we discoursed on the late revolution and 
the affairs of the campaign; then they seemingly 
gave way to gnef, uttered by profound sighs, followed 
by an 0 mon Dieu f" He walked in the garden 
with the French officers, played at cards with them, 
and passed the time so pleasantly that his short stay 
at the hospital seemed an oasis in his hard life of 
camp and garrison. 

MSre de Sainte-Claude, the Superior, a sister of 
Ramesay, late commandant of Quebec, one morning 
sent him a note of invitation to what she called an 
English breakfast; and though the repast answered 
to nothing within his experience, he says that he 
“fared exceedingly well, and passed near two hours 
most agreeably in the society of this ancient lady and 
her virgin sisters.” 

The excellent nuns of the General Hospital are 
to-day what their predecessors were, and the scene 
of tlieir useful labors still answers at many points to 
that descnbed by the careful pen of their military 
guest. Throughout the war they and the nuns of 
the H6tel-Dieu had. been above praise in their assidu- 
ous devotion to the sick and wounded. 

Brigadier Murray, now in command of Quebec, 
was a gallant soldier, upright, humane, generous, 
eager for distinction, and more daring than prudent. 
He befriended the Canadians, issued strict orders 
against harming them in person or property, hanged 
a soldier who had robbed a citizen of Quebec, aud 




severely punished others for slighter offences of the 
same sort. In general the soldiers themselves showed 
kmdness towards the conquered people ; dunng har- 
vest they were seen helping them to reap their fields, 
without compensation, and sharing with them their 
tobacco and rations. The inhabitants were disarmed, 
and required to take the oath of allegiance. Murray 
reported in the spring that the whole country, from 
Cap-Rouge downward, was in subjection to the 
British Crown. 1 

Late in October it was rumored that some of the 
French ships in the river above Quebec were prepar- 
ing to tun by the batteries. This was the squadron 
which had arrived in the spring with supplies, and 
had lain all summer at Batisoan, in the Richelieu, 
and at other points beyond reach of the English. 
After nearly a month of expectancy, they at length 
appeared, anchored off SiUery on the twenly-first of 
November, and tried to pass the town on the dark 
night of the twenty-fourth. Seven or eight of them 
succeeded; four others ran aground and were set on 
fire by their crews, excepting one which was stianded 
on the south shore and abandoned. Captain Miller, 
with a lieutenant and above forty men, boarded her; 
when, apparently through their own carelessness, 
she blew up.® Most of the party were killed by the 
explosion, and the rest, including the two officers, 

1 Murray to Pitt, 26 May, 1760 MurrB 7 , Journal, 1769, 1760. 

* Murray to AmKera, 25 January, 1760. Not, as some beliered, 
by a tram lud hj the French 




were left in a horrible condition between Me and 
death. Thus they remained till a Canadian, ventur- 
ing on board in search of plunder, found them, called 
his neighbors to his aid, carried them to his own 
house, and after applying, with the utmost kmdness, 
what simple remedies he Imew, went over to Quebec 
and told of the disaster. Fortunately for themselves, 
the sufferers soon died. 

December came, and brought the Canadian winter, 
with its fierce light and cold, glaring snowfields, and 
piercing blasts that scorch the cheek like a firebrand. 
The men were frost-bitten as they dug away the diy, 
powdery drifts that the wind had piled against the 
rampart. The sentries were relieved every hour; yet 
feet and fingers were continually frozen. The cloth- 
ing of the troops was ill-suited to the climate, and, 
though stoves had been placed in the guard and 
barrack rooms, the supply of fuel constantly fell 
short. The cutting and dragging of wood was the 
chief task of the garrison for many weeks. Parties 
of axemen, strongly guarded, were always at work 
in the forest of Ste.-Poy, four or five miles from 
Quebec, and the logs were brought to town on sledges 
dragged by the soldiers. Eight of them were har- 
nessed m pairs to each sledge; and as there was 
always danger from Indians and bush-rangers, eveiy 
man carried his musket slung at his back. The labor 
was prodigious; for frequent snowstorms made it 
necessary again and again to beat a fresh track 
through the drifts. The men bore their hardships 


1739,1760.] WINTER AT QUEBEC. 

with admirable good humor; and once a party of 
them on their return, dragging their load through 
the street, met a Canadian, also with a load of wood, 
which was drawn by a team of dogs harnessed much 
like themselves. They accosted them as yoke- 
fellows, comrades, and brothers; asked them what 
allowance of pork and rum they got; and invited 
them and their owner to mess at the regimental 

The appearance of the troops on duty within the 
town, as described by Knox, was scarcely less eccen- 
tric. “Our guards on the grand parade make a 
most grotesque appearance in their different dresses ; 
and our inventions to guard us against the extreme 
ngor of this chmate are various beyond imagination. 
The uniformity as well as nicety of the clean, method- 
ical soldier is buried m the rough, fur-wrought garb 
of the frozen Laplander; and we rather resemble a 
masquerade than a body of regular troops, insomuch 
that I have frequently been accosted by my acquaint- 
ances, whom, though their voices were familiar to 
me, I could not discover, or conceive who they were. 
Besides, every man seems to be in a continual huny; 
for instead of walking soberly through the streets, 
we are obliged to observe a running or trottmg 

Early in January there was a storm of sleet, fol- 
lowed by severe frost, which glazed the streets with 
ice. Knox, being ordered to mount guard in the 
Lower Town, found the descent of Mountain Street 



[ 1759 , 1760 . 

SO sKppery that it was impossible to walk down with 
safely, especially as the muskets of the men were 
loaded; and the whole party, seating themselves on 
the ground, slid one after another to the foot of the 
Tnll. The Highlanders, in spite of their natural 
hardihood, suffered more from the cold than the other 
troops, as their national costume was but a sorry 
defence against the Canadian wmter. A detachment 
of these breechless wamors being on guard at the 
General Hospital, the nuns spent their scaniy leisure 
in knittmg for them long woollen hose, which they 
gratefully accepted, though at a loss to know whether 
modesty or charity inspired the gift. 

From the tune when the Enghsh took possession 
of Quebec, reports had come in through deserters 
that Ldvis meant to attack and recover it. Early in 
November there was a rumor that he was about to 
march upon it with fifteen thousand men. In 
December word came that he was on his way, resolved 
to storm it on or about the tweniy-second, and dine 
witiiin the walls, under the French flag, on Christmas 
Day. He failed to appear; but in January a deserter 
said that he had prepared scaling-ladders, and was 
training his men to use them by assaults on mock 
ramparts of snow. There was more tangible evi- 
dence that the enemy was astir. Murray had estab- 
lished two fortified outposts, one at Ste.-Poy, and 
the oiher farther on, at Old Lorette. War-parties 
hovered round both, and kept the occupants in alarm. 
A large body of French grenadiers appeared at the 



1760 .] 

latter place in February, and drove off a herd of 
cattle; when a detachment of rangers, much inferior 
in number, set upon them, put them to flight, and 
recovered the plunder. At the same time a party of 
regulars, Canadians, and Indians took up a strong 
position near the church at Point Levi, and sent a 
message to the English ofScers that a large company 
of expert hairdressers were ready to wait upon them 
whenever they required their services. The allusion 
was of course to the scalp-lifting practices of the 
Indians and bush-rangers. 

The river being now hard frozen, Murray sent 
over a detachment of light infantry under Major 
Balling. A sharp fight ensued on the snow, around 
the church, and in the neighboring forest, where the 
English soldiers, taught to use snowshoes by the 
rangers, routed the enemy, and killed or captured a 
considerable number. A third post was then estab- 
lished at the church and the priest's house adjacent. 
Some days after, the French came back in large num- 
bers, fortified themselves wifli felled trees, and then 
attacked the English position. The firing being 
heard at Quebec, the light infantry went over to the 
scene of action, and Murray himself followed on the 
ice, with the Highlanders and other troops. Before 
he came up, the French drew off and retreated to 
their breastwork, where they were attacked and put 
to flight, the nimble Highlanders capturiug a few, 
while the greater part made their escape. 

As it became known that the French held a strong 




post at Le Oalvaire, near St. Augustan, two days’ 
march from Quebec, Captain Donald MacDonald was 
sent with five hundred men to attack it. He found 
the enemy behind a breastwork of logs protected by 
an abattis. The light infantry advanced and poured 
m a brisk fire; on which the French threw down 
their arms and fled. About eighty of them were 
oaptured; but their commander, Herbin, escaped, 
leaving to the victors his watch, hat and feather, 
wine, liquor-case, and mistress. The English had 
BIX men wounded and nearly a hundred frost-bitten.^ 

Captain Hazen and his rangers soon after had a 
notable skirmish. They were posted in a house not 
far from the station at Lorette. A scout came in 
with news that a large party of the enemy was com- 
ing to attack them; on which Hazen left a sergeant 
and fourteen men in the house, and set out for 
Lorette with the rest to ask a reinforcement. On 
the way he met the French, who tned to surround 
him ; and he told his men to fall back to the house. 
They remonstrated, saying that they “felt spry,” 
and wanted to show the regulars that provincials 
could fight as well as red-coats. Thereupon they 
charged the enemy, gave them a close volley of 
buckshot and bullets, and put them to flight; but 
scarcely had they reloaded their guns when they were 
fired upon from behind. Another body of assailants 
had got into their rear, in order to out them off. 

1 Enox, li. 276. Murray, Journal, Fraser, Journal. Vaudreuil, 
in his usual way, multiplies the English force by three. 


They faced about, attacked them, and drove them 
back like the first. The two French parties then 
joined forces, left Hazen to pursue bis march, and 
attacked the fourteen rangers in the house, who 
met them with a brisk fire. Hazen and his men 
heard the noise; and, hastening back, fell upon the 
rear of the French, while those in the house salhed 
and attacked them in front. They were again 
routed; and the rangers chased them two miles, kill- 
ing SIX of them and capturing seven. Knox, in 
whose eyes provincials usually find no favor, launches 
this time into warm commendation of “our simply 
honest New England men.” 

Fresh reports came in from time to time that the 
French were gathering all their strength to recover 
Quebec; and late in February these stones took a 
definite shape. A deserter from Montreal brought 
Murray a letter from an ofiScer of rangers, who was 
a prisoner at that place, warning him that eleven 
thousand men were on the point of marching to 
attack him. Three other deserters soon after con- 
firmed the news, but added that the scheme had met 
with a check; for as it was intended to carry the 
town by storm, a grand rehearsal had taken place, 
with the help of scaling-ladders planted against the 
wall of a church; whereupon the Canadians rushed 
with such zeal to the assault that numerous broken 
legs, arms, and heads ensued, along with ruptures, 
sprains, bruises, and dislocations; insomuch, said the 
stoiy, that they became disgusted with the attempt. 



£1769, 1760. 

All remained quiet till after the middle of Apnl, 
when the garnson was startled by repeated assur- 
ances that at the first breaking up of the ice all 
Canada would be upon them. Murray accordingly 
ordered the French inhabitants to leave the town 
withm three days,^ 

In some respects the temper of the troops was 
excellent. In the petty warfare of the past winter 
they had generally been successful, proving them- 
selves a match for the bush-rangers and Indians on 
their own. ground} so that, as Sergeant Johnson 
remarks, in his odd way, “Very often a small num- 
ber of our men would put to flight a considerable 
party of those Cannibals.” They began to think 
themselves invincible} yet they had the deepest 
cause for anxiety. The effective strength of the 
garrison was reduced to less than half, and of those 
that remained fit for duty, hardly a man was entirely 
free from scurvy. The rank and file had no fresh 
provisions} and, in spite of every precaution, this 
mahgnant disease, aided by fever and dysentery, 
made no less havoc among them than among the 
crews of Jaoques-Cartier at this same place two cen- 
turies before. Of about seven thousand men left at 
Quebec in the autumn, scarcely more than three thou- 
sand were fit for duty on the twenty-fourth of April.® 

i Ordomaaee JItite d QuSbee h 21 Awt, 1760, por son EsetsUsncs, 
Jacques Murray. 

* Return of the Present State of Sis Majesty's Forces in Garrison at 
Quebec, Apnl, 11SO (Pubhc Beeord Office). 

1760.] DISEASE AND DEATH. 185 

About seven hundred had found temporary burial 
in the snowdrifts, as the frozen ground was impene- 
trable as a rock. 

Meanwhile Vaudreuil was still at Montreal, where 
he says that he “arnved just in time to take the 
most judicious measures and prevent General Amherst 
from penetrating into the colony. During the 
winter some of the French regulars were kept m 
garrison at the outposts, and the rest quartered on 
the inhabitants ; while the Canadians were dismissed 
to their homes, subject to be mustered again at the 
call of the governor. Both he and L^vis were full 
of the hope of retaking Quebec. He had spies and 
agents among Murray’s soldiers; and though the 
citizens had sworn allegiance to Kmg George, some 
of them were exceedingly useful to his enemies. 
Vaudreuil had constant information of the state of 
the garrison. Ho knew that the scurvy was his 
active and powerful ally, and that the hospitals and 
houses of Quebec were crowded with the sick. At 
the end of March ho was informed that more than 
half the British were on the sick-list; and it was 
presently rumored that Murray had only two thou- 
sand men able to bear arms.* With every allowance 
for exaggeration in these reports, it was plain that 
the French could attack their invaders in overwhelm- 
ing force. 

The difficulty was to find means of transportation. 

1 Vaudranl au Mtmstre, 80 Octobre, 1769 . 

* Ibid, 15 Avrd, 1760. 

186 SAUfTE-FOY. [1760. 

The depth of the snow and the want of draught 
animals made it necessary to wait till the river should 
become navigable; but preparation was begun at 
once. L^vis was the soul of the enterprise. Pro- 
visions were gathered from far and near; cannon, 
mortars, and munitions of war were brought from 
the frontier posts, and butcher-knives were fitted to 
the muzzles of guns to serve the Canadians in place 
of bayonets. All the workmen about Montreal were 
busied in making tools and gun-camages. Stores 
were impressed from the merchants; and certain 
articles, which could not otherwise be had, were 
smuggled, with extraordinary address, out of Quebec 
itself.^ Early in spring the militia received orders to 
muster for the march. There were doubts and dis- 
content; but, says a contemporary, “sensible people 
dared not speak, for if they did they were set down 
as English.” Some there were who in secret called 
the scheme “Levis’ folly;” yet it was perfectly 
rational, well conceived, and conducted with vigor 
and skilL Two frigates, two sloops-of-war, and a 
number of smaller craft still remained in the river, 
under command of Vauquelin, the brave officer who 
had distinguished himself at the siege of Louisbourg. 
The stores and cannon were placed on board these 
vessels, the army embarked in a fieet of bateaux, and 
on the twentieth of April the whole set out together 
for the scene of action. They comprised eight bat- 
talions of troops of the line and two of colony troops; 

» Vaudnwl au Minutre, 23 Avril, 1760. 

1700 3 EXPEDITION OP L^m 18T 

wilibi the colonial artiUeiy, three thousand Canadians, 
and four hundred Indians. When they left Montreal, 
their efiective strei^th, besides Indians, is said by 
L4vis to have been six thousand nine hundred and 
ten, a number which was increased as he advanced 
1^ the garrisons of Jacques-Cartier, Deschambault, 
and Fointe-aux-Trembles, as well as by the Canadians 
on both sides of the St. Lawrence below Three 
Rivers 5 for Vaudreuil had ordered the militia cap- 
tains to jom his standard, with all their followers, 
armed and equipped, on pain of death.^ These 
accessions appear to have raised his force to between 
eight and nme thousand. 

The ice still clung to the river-banks, the weather 
was bad, and the navigation difBcult; but on the 
twenty-sixth the army landed at St. Augustin, crossed 
the river of Cap-Rouge on bndges of their own mak- 
ing, and moved upon the Enghsh outqiost at Old 
Lorette. The English abandoned it and fell back to 
Ste.-Foy. L^vis followed. Night came on, with a 
gale from the southeast, a driving rain, and violent 
thunder, unusual at that season. The road, a bad 
and broken one, led through the marsh called La 
SuSde. Causeways and bridges broke down under 
the weight of the marching cdumns and plunged the 
men into water, mud, and half-thawed ice. “It was 
a fnghtful night,” says L^vis; “so dark that but for 
the flashes of lightning we should have been forced 

1 VoMdread aux Capitainet de MtUee, 16 Avnl, 1760. I am ia 
debted to Abb^ H. B. Cugram for a copj of th» letter. 



[ 1760 . 

to stop.” The break of day found the vanguard at 
the edge of the woods bordering the farther side of 
the marsh. The storm had abated; and they saw 
before them, a few hundred yards distant, through 
the misty air, a ndge of rising ground on which 
stood the parish church of Ste.-Foy, with a row of 
Canadian houses stretching far to right and left. 
This ridge was the dechvity of the plateau of Quebec; 
the same which as it approaches the to-wn, some five 
or SIX miles towards the left, takes the names of C6te 
d’Abraham and C6te Ste.-Genevi^ve. The church 
and the houses were occupied by British troops, 
who, as the French debouched from the woods, 
opened on them with cannon, and compelled them to 
fab. back. Though the ridge at this point is not 
steep, the position was a strong one ; but had L^vis 
known how few were as yet there to oppose him, he 
imght have earned it by an assault in front. As it 
was, he resolved to wait tiU mght, and then flank 
the enemy by a march to the right along the border 
of the wood. 

It was the morning of Sunday, the tweniy^3eventh. 
Till late in the night before, Murray and the garrison 
of Quebec were unaware of the immediate danger; 
and they learned it at last through a singular stroke 
of fortune. Some time after midnight the watch on 
board the frigate “Racehorae,” which had wintered 
m the dock at the Lower Town, heard a feeble cry 
of distress from the midst of the darkness that covered 
the St. Lawrence. Captain Macartney was at once 


informed of itj and, through an impulse of humanily, 
he ordered a boat to put out amid the driftiag ice 
that was sweeping up the river with the tide. Guided 
by the faint cries, the sailors found a man lying on a 
large cake of ice, drenched, and half dead with cold; 
and, taking him with difficulty mto their boat, they 
earned him to the ship. It was long before he was 
able to speak intelligibly; but at last, being revived 
by cordials and other remedies, he foimd strength to 
tell his benefactors that he was a sergeant of artillery 
in the army that had come to retake Quebec ; that in 
trying to land a little above Cap-Rouge, his boat had 
been overset, his compamons drowned, and he him- 
self saved by cbmbing upon the cake of ice where they 
had discovered him; that he had been borne by the 
ebb tide down to the Island of Orleans, and then 
brought up to Quebec by the flow; and, finally, that 
L4vis was marching on the town with twelve thousand 
men at his back. 

He was placed in a hammock and carried up 
Moimtain Street to the quarters of the general, who 
was roused from sleep at three o’clock in the mornmg 
to hear his story. The troops were ordered under 
arms ; and soon after daybreak Murray marched out 
with ten pieces of cannon and more than half the 
garrison. His principal object was to withdraw the 
advanced posts at Ste.-Poy, Cap-Rouge, Sillery, and 
Anse du Foulon. The storm had turned to a cold, 
drizzhng ram, and the men, as they dragged their 
cannon through snow and mud, were soon drenched 

190 SAINTE-POT. [1760. 

to the skin. On reaching Ste.-Foy, they opened a 
brisk fire from the heights upon the woods which now 
covered the whole army of L4vis; and being rejoined 
by the various outposts, returned to Quebec in the 
afternoon, after blowing up the church, which con- 
tained a store of munitions that they had no means of 
bringing off. When they entered Quebec a gill of 
rum was served out to each man; several houses in 
the suburb of St. Eoch were tom down to supply 
them with firewood for drying their clothes; and 
they were left to take what rest they could against 
the morrow. The French, meanwhile, took posses- 
sion of the abandoned heights; and while some filled 
the houses, bams, and sheds of Ste.-Foy and its 
neighborhood, others, chiefly Canadians, crossed the 
plateau to seek shelter m the village of SiUery. 

Three courses were open to Murray. He could 
defend Quebec, fortify himself outside the walls on 
the Buttes-SirNeveu, or fight Ldvis at all risks. The 
walls of Quebec could not •withstand a cannonade, 
and he had long mtended to intrench his army on 
the Buttes, as a better position of defence; but the 
ground, frozen like a rock, had thus far made the 
plan impracticable. Even now, though the surface 
was thawed, the soil beneath was still frost-bound, 
making the task of fortification extremely difficult, 
if indeed the French would give him time for it. 
Murray was young in years, and younger still in 
impulse. He was ardent, fearless, ambitious, and 
emulous of the fame of Wolfe. “The enemy,” he 


soon after wrote to Pitt, “was greatly superior in 
number, it is true; but when I considered that our 
little army was in the habit of beating that enemy, 
and had a veiy fine tram of field artillery; that shut- 
ting ourselves at once withm the walls was putting 
all upon the single chance of holding out for a con- 
siderable time a wretched fortification, I resolved to 
give them battle; and, half an hour after six in the 
morning, we marched with all the force I could 
muster, namely, three thousand men.”^ Some of 
these had left the hospitals of their own accord in 
their eagerness to take part in the fray. 

The rain had ceased ; but as the column emerged 
from St. Louis Gate, the scene before them was a 
dismal one. As yet there was no sign of spring. 
Each leafless bush and tree was dark with clammy 
moisture; patches of bare earth lay oozy and black 
on the southern slopes: but elsewhere the ground 
was still covered with snow, m some places piled m 
drifts, and everywhere sodden with rain; while each 
hollow and depression was full of that half-liquid, 
lead-colored mixture of snow and water which New 
England schoolboys call “slush,” for all drainage 
was stopped by the frozen sul»oil. The troops had 
with them two howitzera and twenty field-pieces, 
which had been captured when Quebec surrendered, 
and had formed a part of that very battery which 
Bamesay refused to Montcalm at the battle of the 
autumn before. As there were no horses, the cannon 
^ Murray to Pitt, 26 May, 1760. 

192 SAmTE-rOY. [1760. 

were dragged by some of tbe soldiers, while others 
carried picks and spades; for as yet Murray seems 
not to have made up his mind whether to fortify or 
fight. Thus they advanced nearly half a mile; till 
reaching the Battes-k-Neveu, they formed in order 
of battle along their farther slopes, on the same 
ground that Montcalm had occupied on the morn- 
ing of his death. 

Murray went forward to reconnoitre. Immediately 
before him was a rising ground, and, beyond it, a 
tract of forest called Sillery Wood, a mile or more 
distant. Nearer, on the left, he could see two block- 
houses built by the English in the last autumn, not 
far from the brink of the plateau above the Anse du 
Foulon where Wolfe climbed the heights. On the 
right, at the opposite brink of the plateau, was a 
house and a fortified windmill belonging to one 
Dumont. The blockhouses, the mill, and the nsing 
ground between them were occupied by the vanguard 
of Ldvis’ army; while, behind, he could descry the 
main body moving along the road from Ste.-Foy, 
then turning, battalion after battalion, and rapidly 
marchmg across the plateau along the edge of Silleiy 
Wood. The two bngades of the leading column had 
already reached the blockhouses by the Anse du 
Foulon, and formed themselves as the right wing of 
the French line of battle; but those behind were not 
yet in position. 

Murray, kindling at the sight, thought that so 
favorable a moment was not to be lost, and ordered 




an advance. His line consisted of eight battalions, 
numbenng a little above two thousand. In the inter- 
vals between them the cannon were dragged through 
slush and mud by five hundred men; and, at a little 
distance behind, the remainmg two battalions fol- 
lowed as a reserve. The right fiauTr was covered by 
Dalhng’s hght infantry; the left by Hazen’s com- 
pany of rangers and a hundred volunteers under Major 
MacDonald. They all moved forward till they were 
on nearly the same ground where Wolfe’s army had 
been drawn up Then the cannon unlimbered, and 
opened on the French with such effect that Ldvis, 
who was on horseback in the middle of the field, sent 
orders to the corps of his left to fall back to the cover 
of the woods. The movement caused some disorder. 
Murray mistook it for retreat, and commanded a 
farther advance. The whole British line, extending 
itself towards the right, pushed eagerly forward : in 
doing which it lost the advantage of the favorable 
position it had occupied; and the battalions of the 
nght soon found themselves on low founds, wading 
in half-melted snow, which in some parts was knee 
deep. Here the cannon could no longer be worked 
with effect. Just in front, a small brook ran along 
the hollow, through soft mud and saturated snow- 
drifts, then gurgled down the slope on the right, to 
lose itself in the meadows of the St. Charles. A few 
lods before this brook stood the house and windmill 
of Dumont, occupied by five companies of French 
grenadiers. The light infantry at once attacked 
TOt iir. — 13 

194 SAINTE-FOT. [1760. 

them. A furious struggle ensued, till at length the 
French gave way, and the victors dashed forward to 
follow up their advantage. Their ardor cost them 
dear. The corps on the French left, which had 
fallen hack into the woods, now advanced again as 
the cannon ceased to play, rushing on without order 
but with the utmost impetuosity, led by a gallant old 
officer. Colonel Dalquier, of the battalion of Bdam. 
A bullet in the body could not stop him. The light 
infantry were overwhelmed; and such of them as 
were left alive were driven back in confusion upon 
the battalions behind them, along the front of which 
they remained dispersed for some minutes, prevent- 
ing the troops from firmg on the advancing French, 
who thus had time to reform them ranks. At length 
the light infantiy got themselves out of the way and 
retired to the rear, where, having lost nearly all their 
officers, they remained during the rest of the fight. 
Another struggle followed for the house and mill of 
Dumont, of which the French again got possession, 
to be again driven out; and it remained, as if by 
mutual consent, unoccupied for some tune by either 
parly. For above an hour more the fight was hot 
and fierce. "We drove them back as long as we had 
ammunition for our cannon,” says Sergeant Johnson; 
but now it failed, and no more was to be had, 
because, in the eccentric phrase of the sergeant, the 
tumbrils were "bogged in deep pits of snow.” 

While this was passing on the English right, it 
fared still worse with them on the left. The advance 


1760] THE BATTLE. 

of the line was no less disastrous here than there. It 
brought the troops close to the woods which circled 
round to this point from the French rear, and from 
which the Canadians, covered by the trees, now 
poured on them a deadly Are. Here, as on the right, 
L4vis had ordered his troops to fall back for a time; 
but when the fire of the English cannon ceased, they 
advanced again, and their artillery, though consisting 
of only three pieces, played its part with good effect. 
Hazen’s rangers and iVIacDonald’s volunteers attacked 
and took the two adjacent blockhouses, but could not 
hold them. 'HHazen was wounded, MacDonald killed, 
and their party overpowered. The British battalions 
held tlieir ground till the French, whose superior 
numbers enabled them to extend themselves on both 
sides beyond the EngUsh line, made a furious attack 
on the left wing, m front and flank. The reserves 
were ordered up, and the troops stood for a time in 
sullen desperation under the storm of bullets; but 
they were dropping fast in the blood-stained snow, 
and the order came at length to fall back. They 
obeyed with curses; “Damn it, what is falling back 
but retreating ? ” ^ The right wing, also outflanked, 
followed the example of the left. Some of the corps 
tned to drag off their cannon; but being prevented 
by the deep mud and snow, they spiked the pieces 
and abandoned them. The French followed close, 
hopmg to cut off the fugitives from the gates of 
Quebec; till Ldvis, seeing that the retreat, though 
1 Knox, 11 . 28S. 




precipitate, was not entirely without order, thought 
best to stop the pursuit. 

The fight lasted about two hours, and did credit to 
both sides. The Canadians not only showed their 
usual address and courage when under cover of 
woods, but they also fought well m the open fields 
and the conduct of the whole French force proved 
how completely they had recovered from the panic 
of the last autumn. From the first they were greatly 
superior m number, and at the middle and end of the 
ai^air, when they had all reached the field, they were 
more than two against one.^ The English, on the 
other hand, besides the opportunity of attacking 
before their enemies had completely formed, had a 
vastly superior artillery and a favorable position, 
both which advantages they lost after their second 

Some curious anecdotes are told of the retreat. 
Colonel Fraser, of the Highlanders, received a bullet 
which was no doubt half spent, and which, with 
escellent precision, hit the base of his queue, so 
deadening the shock that it gave him no other incon- 
venience than a stiff neck. Captain Hazen, of the 
rangers, badly wounded, was makmg his way towards 
the gate, supported by his servant, when he saw at a 
great distance a French ofiScer leading a file of men 
across a rising ground; whereupon he stopped and 
told the servant to give him his gun. A volunteer 
named Thompson, who was near by and who tells the 

^ 8ee Appendix, K, 




stoiy, thought that he was out of his senses; hut 
Hazen persisted, seated himself on the ground, took 
a long aim, fired, and brought down his man. 
Thompson congratulated him. “A chance shot 
may kill the deni,” replied Hazen; and resigmng 
himself again to the arms of his attendant, he reached 
the town, recovered from his wound, and hved to he 
a general of the Revolution.* 

The English lost above a thousand, or more than 
a third of their whole number, killed, wounded, and 
missing. 2 They carried off some of tiieir wounded, 
but left others behind; and the greater part of these 
were murdered, scalped, and mangled by the Indians, 
all of whom were converts from the mission villages. 
English writers put the French loss at two thousand 
and upwards, which is no doubt a gross exaggeration. 
L^vis declares that the number did not exceed six 
or eight hundred; but afterwards gives a list which 
makes it eight hundred and thirty-three. 

Murray had left three or four hundred men to 
guard Quebec when the rest marched out; and adding 
them to those who had returned soathless from the 
fight, he now had about twenty-four hundred rank 
and file fit for duty. Yet even the troops that 
were rated as effective were in so bad a condition 
that the hyperbolical Sergeant Johnson calls them 

1 Thompaon, deceired by Hazen’a baptiauntl name, Moaea, 
ibonght that be waa a Jew. {Revut Canadimnt, ir. 805 } He was, 
however, of an old New England Puritan family. See the Hazen 
genealogy in Hiaonc-Genmlogieal Rtgxjter, zxxiii. 

* Jietarn qf Killed, Woimded, and Mtatmg, aigned J. Murray. 

198 SAmTE-F,OT. [1760. 

“halfHstarved, scorbutic skeletons.” That worthy 
soldier, commonly a model of dutiful respect to those 
above him, this time so far forgets himself as to criti- 
cise his general for the “ mad, enthusiastic zeal ” by 
which he nearly lost the fruits of Wolfe’s victory. 
In fact, the fate of Quebec trembled in the balance. 
“We were too few and weak to stand an assault,” 
continues Johnson, “and we were almost in as deep 
a distress as we could be.” At first there was some 
drunkenness and some plundering of private houses , 
but Murray stopped the one by staving the rum-barrels 
of the sutlers, and the other by hanging the chief 
offender. Within three days Older, subordination, 
hope, and almost confidence were completely restored. 
Not a man was idle. The troops left their barracks 
and lay in tents close to their respective alarm posts. 
On the open space by St. Louis Gate a crowd of 
convalescents were busy in filling sand-bags to 
strengthen the defences, while the sick and wounded 
in the hospitals made wadding for the cannon. The 
ramparts were faced with fascmes, of which a large 
stock had been provided in the autumn; chevausa-de- 
frm were planted in exposed places; an outwork 
was built to protect St. Louis Gate ; embrasures were 
cut along the whole length of the walls; and the 
French cannon captured when the town was taken 
were planted against their late owners. Every man 
was tasked to the utmost of his strength; and the 
garrison, gaunt, worn, besmirched with mud, looked 
less like soldiers than like overworked laborers. 


The conduct of the officers troubled the spirit of 
Sergeant Johnson. It shocked his sense of the fit- 
ness of things to see them sharing the hard work of 
the private men, and he thus gives utterance to his 
feelings. “None but those who were present on the 
spot can imagine the grief of heart the soldiers felt 
to see their officers yoked in the harness, draggmg up 
cannon from the Lower Townj to see gentlemen, 
who were set over them by His Majesty to command 
and keep them to their duty, working at the batteries 
with the barrow, pickaxe, and spade.” The effect, 
however, was admirable. The spirit of the men rose 
to the crisis. Murray, no less than his officers, had 
all their confidence ; for if he had fallen into a fatal 
error, he atoned for it now by unconquerable resolu- 
tion and exhaustless fertihty of resource. Deserters 
said that L4vis would assault the town; and the 
soldieis replied: “Let him come on; he will catch a 

L^vis and his army were no less busy in digging 
trenches along the stony back of the Buttes-^-Neveu. 
Every day the English fire grew hotter; till at last 
nearly a hundred and fifty cannon vomited iron upon 
them from the walls of Quebec, and May was well 
advanced before they could plant a single gun to 
reply. Their vessels had landed artillery at the Anse 
du Foulon; but their best hope lay in the succois 
they daily expected from the river below. In the 
autumn L^vis, with a view to his intended enterprise, 
had sent a request to VeraaiUes that a ship laden 



[ 1760 . 

■With munitions and heavy siege-guns should be sent 
from rrance in time to meet lum at Quebec in Apiilj 
while he looked also for another ship, which had 
wmtered at Gasp^, and which theiefoie might reach 
bim as soon as navigation opened The arrival ol 
■these vessels would have made the position of the 
English doubly critical; and, on the other hand, 
should an English squadron appear first, Ldvis 
would be forced to raise the siege. Thus each side 
watched the river ■with an anxiety that grew con- 
stantly more intense; and the English presently 
descried signals along the shore which seemed to say 
■that French ships were moving up the St. La^wience. 
Meantime, while doing their best to compass each 
other’s destruction, neither side forgot the courtesies 
of war. L4vis heard that Miurray liked spruce-beer 
for his table, and sent him a fiag of truce ■with a 
quantity of spruce-boughs and a message of comph- 
ment; Murray responded ■with a Cheshire cheese, and 
Ld-vis rejoined with a present of partridges. 

Bad and scanty fare, excessive tod, and broken 
sleep were telling ominously on the strength of the 
garrison when, on the mnth of May, Murray, as he 
sat pondering over the fire at his quarters in St. 
Louis Street, ■was interrupted by an officer who came 
to tell him that there was a sbip-of-'war in the Basin 
beating up towards the town. Murray started from 
his revery, and directed that British colors should be 
raised immediately on Cape Diamond.^ The halyards 
1 Thompson in ReoM Canadienne, iy. 866. 



1760 .] 

leing out of order, a sailor climbed the staff and 
drew up the flag to its place. The news had spread; 
men and officers, divided between hope and fear, 
crowded to the rampart by the Cb&teau, where Durham 
Terrace now overlooks the St. Lawrence, and every 
eye was strained on the approaching ship, eager to 
see whether she would show the red flag of England 
or the white one of France. Slowly her colors rose 
to the masthead and unfurled to the wind the red 
cross of St. George. It was the British frigate 
“Lowestoffe.” She anchored before the Lower 
Town, and saluted the garrison with twenty-one 
guns. “The gladness of the troops,” says Knox, 
“is not to be expressed. Both officers and soldiers 
mounted the parapet m the face of the enemy and 
huzzaed with their hats in the air for almost an hour. 
The gamson, the enemy’s camp, the bay, and cir- 
cumjacent country resounded with our shouts and 
the thunder of our artillery; for the gunners were so 
elated that they did nothmg but load and fire for a 
considerable time. In short, the general satisfaction 
IS not to be conceived, except by a person who had 
suffered the extremities of a siege, and been destined, 
with his brave friends and countrymen, to the scalp- 
ing-kmves of a faithless conq^ueror and his barbarous 
allies.” The “Lowestoffe” brought news that a 
Bntish squadron was at the mouth of the St 
Lawrence, and would reach Quebec in a few days. 

L^vis, in ignorance of this, still clung to the hope 
that French ships would arrive strong enough to 



[ 1760 . 

oveipower the imwelcome stranger. His guns, being 
at last in position, presently opened fire upon a wall 
that was not built to bear the brunt of heavy shot; 
but an artillery better and more numerous than his 
own almost silenced them, and his gunners were 
harassed by repeated salhes. The besiegers had now 
no real chance of success unless they could carry the 
place by storm, to which end they had provided 
abundant scaling-ladders as well as petards to burst 
in the gates. They made, however, no attempt to use 
them. A week passed, when, on the evening of the 
fifteenth, the ship of the hue “Vanguard” and 
the frigate “Diana” sailed into the harbor; and on 
the next morning the “ Diana ” and the “ Lowestoffe ” 
passed the town to attack the French vessels in the 
river above. These were six m all, — two frigates, 
two smaller armed ships, and two schooners; the 
whole under command of the gallant Vauquelin. He 
did not belie his reputation; fought his ship with 
persistent bravery till his ammumtion was spent, 
refused even then to strike his fiag, and being made 
prisoner, was treated by his captors with distinguished 
honor. The other vessels made httle or no resist- 
ance. One of them threw her guns overboard and 
escaped; the rest ran ashore and were burned. 

The destruction of his vessels was a death-blow to 
the hopes of L4vib, for they contained his stores of 
food and ammunition. He had passed the preceding 
mght in great agitation; and when the cannonade on 
the liver ceased, he hastened to raise the siege. In the 



1780 .] 

evening deserters from his camp told Murray that 
the French were in full retreat; on which all the 
English battenes opened, firing at random through 
the darkness, and sending cannon-balls en ricochet, 
bowling by scores together, over the Plains ot 
Abraham on the heels of the letirmg enemy. Murray 
marched out at dawn of day to fall upon tlieir rear; 
but, with a hundred and fifty cannon bellowing behind 
them, they had made such speed that, though he 
pushed over the marsh to Old Lorette, he could not 
overtake them ; they had already crossed the river of 
Cap-Rouge. Why, with numbers still superior, they 
went off m such haste, it is hard to say. They left 
behind them thirty-four cannon and sis mortars, 
with petards, scaling-ladders, tents, ammunition, 
baggage, mtrenching tools, many of their muskets, 
and all their sick and wounded. 

The effort to recover Quebec did great honor to 
the enterprise of the French; but it availed them 
nothing, served only to waste resources that seemed 
already at the lowest ebb, and gave fresh opportunity 
of plunder to Cadet and his crew, who failed not to 
make use of it. 

After the battle of Ste.-Foy Murray sent the frigate 
“ Racehorse ” to Halifax with news of his defeat, and 
from Halifax it was sent to England. The British 
pubho were taken by surprise. “Who the deuce 
was thinking of Quebec?” says Horace Walpole. 
“Amenca was like a book one has read and done 
with; but here we are on a sudden reading our book 




backwards.” Ten days passed, and then came word 
that the siege was raised and that the French were 
gone; upon which Walpole wrote to General Conway: 
“ Well, Quebec is come to life again. Last night I 
went to see the Holdemesses. I met my Lady in a 
triumphal oar, drawn by a Manx horse, thirteen little 
fingers high, with Lady Emily. Mr. Milbank was 
walking by himself in ovation after the car, and they 
were going to see the bonfire at the alehouse at the 
corner. The whole procession returned with me; 
and from the Countess’s dressing-room we saw a 
battery fired before the house, the mob crying, ‘ God 
bless the good news I ’ These are all the particulars 
I know of the siege. My Lord would have showed 
me the journal; but we amused ourselves much 
better in going to eat peaches from the new Dutch 
stoves [Aof-AoiM«s].” 

Notb, — On the battle of Ste-Foy and the subsequent siege, 
L^tis, Guerre du Canada. Relation de la seconds BataiRe de Quibec 
et du Si^e de cette Villr (there are several copies of this paper, with 
different titles and some rariation} Murray to Amhe>st,SX> April, 
1700 Murray, dbumal ispt at Quebec fiomSeptenibBr Vi, VJ(&, to May 
17,1760 (Fablic Becord Office, America and West Indies, xoix.). 
Murray to Pitt, 25 May, 1760. Letter from an Officer of the Royal 
Americans at Quebec, 24 May, 1700 (in London Magazine and sereral 
periodical papers of the time) Fraser, Journal (Quebec Hlsti Soc.), 
Johnstone, Campaign of 1760 (Ibid ). Rdaiion de ce gut s'est passd au 
Stfge de Quebec, par une Rdligieuee de VHdpital Gineral (Ibid.) Me- 
moirs of the Siege of Queiec, by Sergeant John Johnson Memones 
sur le Canada, 1740-1700 Letters of Lens, Bourlamaque, and 
Yaudreuil, May, June, 1760 Several letters fiom officers at Que- 
bec in provincial newspapers Enoz, u 202-622 Plan of the Battle 
and Situation of the British and French on the Heights of Abiaham, the 
28ti qf April, 1760, — an admirable plan, attached to the great plan 



1760 .] 

of operations at Quebec before mentioned, and necessary to an 
understanding of the position and movements of the two armies 
(British Museum, King’s Maps) 

The narratives of Mante, £ntiLk,17ynne, Smith, and other second- 
ary writers give no additional light On the force engaged on each 
ude, see Appendix K. 




I>BSPEiti.Tii! Situation. — E worts on VAUDRaniL and Lins — 
PtAKS ON Akrerbt — A Tripm Attack. — Adtancb of 
Murbat. — Advance of Hatiland — Advance of Auhebst. 
— Capitblation op Montreal — Protest op L4vis — Injus- 
tice OP Louis XV. — Jot in the BiuTisn Colonies. — Char- 
acter OP THE War. 

The retreat of Ldvis left Canada little Hope but in 
a speedy peace. This hope was strong, for a belief 
widely prevailed that, even if the colony should he 
subdued, it would be restored to France by treaty. 
Its available force did not exceed eight or ten thou- 
sand men, as most of the Canadians below the district 
of Three Eivers had sworn allegiance to King 
George; and though many of them had disregarded 
the oath to join the standard of Ldvis, they could 
venture to do so no longer. The French had lost 
the best of their artillery, their gunpowder was fall- 
ing short, their provisions would barely carry them 
to harvest time, and no more was to be hoped for, 
since a convoy of ships which had sailed from France 
at the end of winter, laden with supplies of all kinds, 
had been captured by the English. The blockade of 

1760] PLANS OP AMHERST. 207 

the St. Lawrence was complete. The Western 
Indians would not fight, and even those of the 
mission villages were wavering and insolent. 

Yet Vaudreuil and Ldvis exerted themselves for 
defence wuth an energy that does honor to them both. 
“Far from showing the least timidity,” says the 
ever-modest governor, “ I have taken positions such 
as may hide our weakness from the enemy.” ^ He 
stationed Rochbeaucourt with three hundred men at 
Pointe-aux-Trembles; Repentigny with two hundred 
at Jacques-Cai'tierj and Dumas with twelve hundred 
at Deschambault to watch tlie St. Lawrence and, if 
possible, prevent Murray from moving up the river. 
Bougainville was stationed at Isle-aux-Noix to bar 
the approach from Lake Champlam, and a force 
under La Come was held ready to defend the rapids 
above Montreal, should the English attempt that 
dangerous passage. Pnsoners taken by war-parties 
near Crown Point gave exaggerated reports of hostile 
preparation, and doubled and trebled the forces that 
were mustering against Canada. 

These forces were nevertheless considerable. 
Amherst had resolved to enter the colony by all its 
three gates at once, and, advancing from east, west, 
and south, unite at Montreal and crush it as in the 
jaws of a vice. Murray was to ascend the St. 
Lawrence from Quebec, while Brigadier Haviland 
forced an entrance by way of Lake Champlam, and 
Amherst himself led the main army down the St. 

1 Vaudreml au Matatre, 22 Juin, 1760. 




Lawrence from Lake Ontario. This last route was 
long, circuitons, difficult, and full of danger from 
the rapids that obstructed the river. His choice of 
it for his chief line of operation, instead of the 
shorter and easier way of Lake Champlain, was 
meant, no doubt, to prevent the French army from 
escaping up the Lakes to Detroit and the other wil- 
derness posts, where it might have protracted the 
war for an indefinite tune; while the plan adopted, 
if successful, would make its capture certam The 
plan was a critical one. Three armies advancing 
from three different points, hundreds of miles apart, 
by routes full of difficuHy, and with no possibility 
of intercommunication, were to meet at the same 
place at the same time, or, failing to do so, run the 
nsk of being destroyed in detail. If the French 
troops could be kept together, and if the small army 
of Murray or of Haviland should reach Montreal a 
few days before the co-operating forces appeared, it 
might be separately attacked and overpowered. In 
this lay the hope of Vaudreuil and L6vis.^ 

After the siege of Quebec was raised, Murray had 
an effective force of about twenty-five hundred rank 
and file.® As the spring opened the invalids were 
encamped on the Island of Orleans, where fresh air, 
fresh provisions, and the change from the pestiferous 
< iwn hospitals wrought such wondera on the scorbutic 

1 Livit h Bourlamaqve, JmUet, AoAt, 1760, 

® Return of the Present State of His Majesiy^s Forces tn Qarrison 
gt QuebeCf 21 May, 1760. 


patients that in a few weeks a considerable number 
of them were again fit for garrison duty, if not for 
the field. Thus it happened that on the second of 
July twenty-four hundred and fifty men and officers 
received orders to embark for Montreal ; and on the 
fifteenth they set sail, in thirty-two vessels, with a 
number of boats and bateaux.^ They were followed 
some time after by Lord Rollo, with thirteen hundred 
additional men just arrived &om Louisbourg, the 
King having ordered that fortress to be abandoned 
and dismantled. They advanced slowly, landing 
from time to time, skirmishing with detachments of 
the enemy who followed them along the shore, or 
more frequently trading with the farmers who 
brought them vegetables, poultry, eggs, and fresh 
meat. They passed the fortified hill of Jacques- 
Cartier, whence they were saluted with shot and 
shell, stopped at various parishes, disarmed the 
inhabitants, administered oaths of neutrality, which 
were taken without much apparent reluctance, and 
on the fourth of August came within sight of Thiee 
Rivers, then occupied by a body of troops expecting 
an attack. “But,” says Knox, “a delay here would 
be absurd, as that wretched place must share the fate 
of Montreal. Our fleet sailed this morning. The 
French troops, apparently about two thousand, lined 
their different works, and were in general clothed as 
regulars, except a very few Canadians and about fifly 
naked Piets or savages, their bodies being painted of 
1 Enoz.u 344,348 

VOL. in — 14 

210 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 

a reddish, color and their faces of different colors, 
which I plainly discerned with my glass. Their light 
caTaliy, who paraded along shore, seemed to be well 
appbinted, clothed in blue, faced with scarlet; but 
their officers had white uniforms. In fine, their 
troops, batteries, fair-looking houses; their situation 
on the banks of a dehghtful river; our fieet sailing 
triumphantly before them, with our floatmg batteries 
drawn up in kne of battle; the country on both sides 
interspersed with neat settlements, together with the 
verdure of the fields and trees and the clear, pleasant 
weather, afforded as agreeable a prospect as the most 
lively imagination can conceive.” 

This excellent lover of the picturesque was still 
more delighted as the fleet sailed among the islands 
of St. Peter. “I thmk nothing could equal the 
beauties of our navigation this morning: the mean- 
dering course of the narrow channel ; the awfulness 
and solemnity of the dark forests with which these 
islands are covered; the fragrancy of the spontaneous 
fruits, shrubs, and flowers; the verdure of the water 
by the reflection of the neighboring woods ; the wild 
chirping notes of the feathered inhabitants; the 
masts and sails of ships appearing as if among the 
trees, both ahead and astern: formed altogether an 
enchanting diversity.” 

The evening recalled him from dreams to realities; 
fox towards seven o’clock they reached the village of 
Sorel, where they found a large body of troops and 
militia intrenched along the strand. Bourlamaque 


was m command here with two or three thousand 
men, and Dumas, -with another body, was on the 
northern shore. Both had orders to keep abreast of 
the deet as it advanced; and thus French and Eng- 
lish alike drew slowly towards Montreal, where lay 
the main French force under L^vis, ready to unite 
with Bouilamaque and Dumas, and fall upon Murray 
at the fii’st opportumty. Monti'eal was now but a 
few leagues distant, and the situation was becoming 
dehcate. Murray sent five langeis towards Lake 
Champlain to get news of Haviland, and took 
measures at tlie same time to cause the desertion of 
the Canadians, ivho formed the largest part of the 
opposing force. He sent a proclamation among the 
parishes, advising the inhabitants to remain peace- 
fully at home, piomising that those who 'did so should 
be safe in person and property, and threatening to 
burn every house from which the men of the family 
were absent. These were not idle words. A detach- 
ment sent for the purpose destroyed a settlement 
near Sorel, the owners of which were in arms under 
Bourlamaque. “I was under the cruel necessity of 
burning the greatest part of these poor unhappy 
people’s houses,” wrote Murray. “I pray God this 
example may sufiSce, for my nature revolts when this 
becomes a necessary part of my duty.”^ On the 
other hand, he treated with great kindness all who 
left the army and returned to their families. The 
effect was soon felt. The Canadians came in by 
1 Man ay to Pitt, 24 August, 1700. 

212 FALL OP CANADA. [1760, 

scores and by hundreds to give up their arms and 
take the oath of neutrality, till, before the end of 
August, half Bourlamaque’s force had disappeared. 
Murray encamped on Isle St.-Th&Sse, just below 
Montreal, and watched and waited for Haviland and 
Amherst to appear.^ 

Yaudreml on his part was not idle. He sent a 
counter-proclamation through the parishes as an 
antidote to that of Murray. “I have been com- 
pelled,” he writes to the minister, “to decree the 
pain of death to the Canadians who are so dastardly 
as to desert or give up their arms to the enemy, and 
to order that the houses of those who do not join our 
army shall be burned.”® Execution was to be sum- 
mary, without court-martial.® Yet desertion in- 
creased daily. The Canadians felt themselves doubly 
ruined, for it became known that the court had 
refused to redeem the paper that formed the whole 
currency of the colony; and, in iheir desperation, 
they preferred to trust the tried clemency of the 
enemy rather than exasperate him by persisting in a 
vam defence. Yaudreuil writes in his usual strain : 
“I am taking the most just measures to unite our 
forces, and, if our situation permits, fight a battle, or 
several battles. It is to be feared that we shall go 
down before an enemy so numerous and strong; but, 
whatever may be the event, we will save the honor 

1 Knox, b. 382, 884. Monte, 340 

* Vaudreutl au Mtnistre, 28 Aofli, 1760. 

* LAni & Boiaiamaqut, 26 Aoilt, 1760. 



1780 .] 

of the King’s arms. I have the honor to repeat to 
yon, Monseigneur, that if any resource -were left me, 
whateTer the progress the English might make, I 
-would maintain myself in some part of the colony 
■n'ith my remaining troops, after ha-dng fought with 
the greatest obstinacy 3 but I am absolutely without 
the least remnant of the necessary means. In these 
unhappy circumstances 1 s hall continue to use every 
manceuvre and de-vice to keep the enemy in check; 
but if we succumb in the battles we shall fight, I 
shall apply myself to obtaining a capitulation which 
may avert the total ruin of a people who -will remain 
forever French, and who could not survive their 
misfortunes but for the hope of being restored by the 
treaty of peace to the rule of His Most Christian 
Majesty. It is -with this view that I shall remam in 
this to-wn, the Chevalier de L^vis havmg represented 
to me that it would be an evil to the colonists past 
remedy if any accident should happen to me.” L^vis 
was willing to go very far in soothing the suscepti- 
bilities of the governor; but it may be suspected this 
time that he thought him more useful within four 
walls than in the open field. 

There seemed good hope of stopping the ad-vance 
of Haviland. To this end Yaudreuil had stationed 
Bougain-ville at Isle-aux-Noix with seventeen hundred 
men, and Roquemaure at St. John, a few miles dis- 
tant, with twelve or fifteen hundred more, besides all 
the Indians.^ Haviland embarked at Crown Point with 
1 Yandreml au Mmutrt, 29 Aoit, 1760 . 



[ 1760 . 

thirty-four hundred regulars, provincials, andlndians.^ 
Four days brought him to Isle-aux-Noix; he landed, 
planted cannon in the swamp, and opened fire. 
Major Darby with the light infantry, and Rogers 
with the rangers, dragged three light pieces through 
the forest, and planted tliem on the river-bank iii the 
rear of Bougamville’s position, where lay the French 
naval force, consisting of three armed vessels and 
several gunboats. The cannon were turned upon 
the principal ship ; a shot cut her cable, and a strong 
west wind drove her ashore mto the hands of her 
enemies. The other vessels and gunboats made all 
sail for St John, but stranded in a bend of the river, 
where the rangers, swimming out with their toma- 
hawks, boarded and took one of them, and the rest 
soon sunendered. It was a fatal blow to Bougain- 
ville, whose communications with St. John were 
now out o£E. In accordance with instructions from 
Vaudreuil, he abandoned the island on the night of 
the twenty-seventh of August, and, makmg his way 
with infimte difBculty through the dark foiest, joined 
Roquemaure at St. John, twelve miles below. Havi- 
land followed, the rangers leading the way. Bougain- 
ville and Roquemaure fell back, abandoned St. John 
and Chambly, and joined Bourlamaque on the banks 
of the St. Lawrence, where the united force at first 
outnumbered that of Haviland, though fast melted 

1 A List of the Foices employed m the Expedition against Canada, 
1760. Compare Mante, 340, Knot, u 302, and Bogere, 188 Cliev- 
aUet Johnstone, who was with Bongainville, says “ about four thou 
iand,” which Vaudreml multiplies to twclye thousand 

FOET L&ym. 


1780 .] 

away by discouragement and desertion. Hayiland 
opened communication with Murray, and they both 
looked daily for the amval of Amherst, whose 
approach was rumored by prisoners and deserters.^ 

The army of Amherst had gathered at Oswego in 
July. On the tenth of Augimt it was all afloat on 
Lake Ontario, to the number of ten thousand one 
hundred and forfy-two men, besides about seven hun- 
dred Indians under Sir Wilham Johnson.® Before 
the fifteenth the whole had reached La Presentation, 
otherwise called Oswegatohie or La Galette, the seat 
of Father Piquet’s mission. Near by was a French 
armed bng, the “Ottawa,” with ten cannon and a 
hundred men, threatemng destruction to Amherst’s 
bateaux and whaleboats. Five gunboats attacked 
and captured her. Then the army advanced again, 
and were presently joined by two armed vessels of 
their own which had lingered behmd, bewildered 
among the channels of the Thousand Islands. 

Near the head of the rapids, a little below La 
Galette, stood Port L4vis, built the year before on 
an islet in mid-channel. Amherst might have passed 
its batteries with slight loss, continuing his voyage 
without paying it the honor of a siege ; and this was 
what the French commandera feared that he would 
do. “We shall be fortunate,” L^vis wrote to 

^ Bogera, Journals Diary of a Sergeant in the Army of Hamland, 
Johnstone, Campaign of 1160 Bigot au Mtnistre, 29 Aoit, 1780 
^ A List of the Forces employed in ike Expedition against Canada, 
Compare Mante, 301, and ^ox, u 4/08, 

216 PALL OP CANADA. [1780, 

Bourlamaque, “if the enemy amuse themselves with 
capturing it. My chief anxiety is lest Amherst 
should reach Montreal so soon that we may not have 
time to unite our forces to attack Haviland or 
Murray.” If he had better known the English com- 
mander, L4vis would have seen tliat he was not the 
man to leave a post of the enemy in his rear under 
any circumstances; and Amherst had also another 
reason for wishing to get the garnson mto his hands, 
for he expected to find among them the pilots whom 
he needed to guide his boats down the rapids. He 
therefore invested the fort, and, on the twenly-third, 
cannonaded it from his vessels, the mainland, and 
the neighboring islands. It was commanded by 
Pouchot, the late commandant of Niagara, made 
prisoner in the last campaign, and since exchanged. 
As the rocky islet had but little earth, the defences, 
though thick and strong, were chiefly of logs, which 
flew in splinters under the bombardment. The 
Erenoh, however, made a brave resistance. The 
flnng lasted all day, was resumed in the morning, 
and continued two days more; when Pouchot, whose 
works were in ruins, surrendered himself and his 
gamson. On this, Johnson’s Indians prepared to 
kill the prisoners; and, being compelled to desist, 
three fourths of them went home in a rage.^ 

Now began the critical part of the expedition, the 
1 On the capture of Fort L^yia, Anihast to Pitt, 28 Avgust, 1700 
Amherst to Monckon, same date Pouchot, ii. 204-282. Knox, u 
405-418. Haute, SOASOO All Canada in the Hands of the English 
(Boston, 1780). Journal of Colonel Nathaniel WoodhuU, 

1760 .] 



descent of the rapids. The Galops, the Kapide Plat, 
the Long Sant, the COteau du Lac, were passed in 
succession, with little loss, till they reached the 
Cedars, the Buisson, and the Cascades, where the 
reckless surges dashed and bounded in the sun, 
beautiful and terrible as young tigers at play. Boat 
after boat, borne on their foaming crests, rushed 
madly down the torrent. Forly-six were totally 
wrecked, eighteen were damaged, and eighty-four 
men were drowned.^ La Come was watching the 
rapids with a considerable body of Canadians; and it 
is difficult to see why this bold and enterprising chief 
allowed the- army to descend undisturbed through 
passes so dangerous. At length the last rapid was 
left behmd; and the flotilla, gliding in peace oyer 
the smooth breast of Lake St. Louis, landed at Isle 
Perrot, a few leagues from Montreal. In the morn- 
ing, September sixth, the troops embarked again, 
landed unopposed at La Chine, nine miles from the 
city, marched on without delay, and encamped before 
its walls. . 

The Montreal of that time was a long, narrow 
assemblage of wooden or atone houses, one or two 
stories high, above which rose the peaked towers of 
the Seminary, the spires of three churches, the walls 
of four convents, with the trees of their adjacent 
gardens, and, conspicuous at the lower end, a high 
mound of earth, crowned by a redoubt, where a few 
cannon were mounted. The whole was surrounded 

1 Amherst to Pxtt, 8 September, 1760 . 

218 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 

Ly a shallow moat and a bastioued stone wall, made 
for defence against Indians, and incapable of resist- 
ing cannon.^ 

On the morning after Amherst encamped above 
the place, Murray landed to encamp below it; and 
Vaudreuil, looking across the St. Lawrence, could 
see the tents of Haviland’s little army on the southern 
shore. Bourlamaque, Bougainville, and Roquemaure, 
abandoned by all their mihtia, had crossed to Mont- 
real with the few regulars that remained with them. 
The town was crowded with non-combatant refugees. 
Here, too, was nearly all the remaining force of 
Canada, consistmg of twenty-two hundred troops of 
the line and some two hundred colony troops; for all 
the Canadians had by this time gone home. Many 
of the regulars, especially of the colony troops, had 
also deserted, and the rest were so broken in disci- 
pline that their officers were forced to use entreaties 
instead of commands. The three armies encamped 
around the city amounted to seventeen thousand 
men;® Amherst was bringing up his cannon from 

1 An East View of Montreal, drawn on the Spot by Thomas PaUen 
(King's Maps, Bntish Museum), Plan of Montreal, 1769 A Eesertp- 
turn of Montreal, in several magazines of the time The recent 
CanadioD publication called Ze Vieux Monti ^al, is exceedingly in- 
correct as to the numbers of the Bntish troops and the position 
of their camps. 

^ A Ztst of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada, 
See Smith, Eistory of Canada, i. Appendix xix. Vaudreuil vmtes 
to Charles Langlade, on the nmth, that the three armies amount to 
twenty thousand, and raises the number to thirty-two thousand in a 
letter to the mimster on the next day. Berniers says twenty thou* 


La Ohme, and the town wall would have crumbled 
before them in an hour. 

On the night when Amherst arrived, the governor 
called a council of war.^ It was resolved that since 
all the militia and many of the regulars had aban- 
doned the army, and the Indian allies of France had 
gone over to the enemy, further resi.'itance was impos- 
sible. Vaudreuil laid before the assembled officers 
a long paper that he had drawn up, containing fifty- 
five articles of capitulation to be proposed to the 
English; and these were unanimously approved.® In 
the morning Bougainville earned them to the tent of 
Amherst. He granted the greater part, modified 
some, and flatly refused others. That which the 
French officers thought more important than all the 
rest was the provision that the troops should march 
out with arms, cannon, and the honors of war; to 
which it was replied; “The whole garrison of Mont- 
real and all other French troops in Canada must lay 
down their arms, and shall not serve durmg the 
present war ” This demand was felt to be intoler- 
able. The governor sent Bougainville back to 
remonstrate; but Amherst was inflexible. Then 
Ldvis tned to shake his resolution, and sent him an 
officer with the following note: “I send your Excel- 
lency M. de la Pause, Assistant Quartermaster- 

sand , Ldris, for obvious reasons, exaggerates the number to forty 

1 Yaudnuil art Minislre, 10 Septembre, 1760 

’ Proces-verbal de la Dihberatum dri Cornell de Guerre (snu h Moet 
rial, 6 Septembre, 1760. 



[ 1760 . 

General of the Army, on the subject of the too 
rigorous article which you dictate to the troops by 
the captulation, to which it would not be possible for 
us to subscribe.” Amherst answered the envoy: “I 
am fully resolved, for the infamous part the troops of 
France have acted in excitmg the savages to per- 
petrate the most hornd and unheard of barbarities in 
the whole progress of the war, and for other open 
treacheries and flagrant breaches of faith, to manifest 
to all the world by this capitulation my detestation 
of such practices ; ” and he dismissed La Pause with 
a short note, refusing to change the conditions. 

On the next morning, September eighth, Vaudreuil 
yielded, and signed the capitulation. By it Canada 
and all its dependencies passed to the British Crown. 
French officers, civil and military, with French 
troops and sailors, were to be sent to France m British 
ships. Free exercise of religion was assured to the 
people of the colony, and the religious communities 
were to retain their possessions, rights, and privileges. 
All persons who might wish to retire to France were 
allowed to do so, and the Canadians were to remain 
in full enjoyment of feudal and other property, includ- 
ing negro and Indian slaves.^ 

The greatest alarm had pievailed among the inhab- 
itants lest they should suffer violence from the English 
Indians, and Vaudreuil had endeavored to provide 
that these dangerous enemies should be sent back at 
once to their viUages. This was refused, with the 
1 ArticUa <jf CapUitltOum, 8 Septmbar, 1760. Amhtnl to Pitt, lam 




remark; “There never have been any cruelties com- 
mitted by the Indians of our army.” Strict precau- 
tions were taken at the same time, not only against 
the few savages whom the firm conduct of Johnson 
at Fort Ldvis had not driven away, but also against 
the late allies of the French, now become a peril to 
them. In consequence, not a man, woman, or child 
was hurt. Amherst, in general orders, expressed his 
confidence “that the troops will not disgrace them- 
selves by the least appearance of inhumanity, or by 
any unsoldierhke behavior in seeking for plunder; 
and that as the Canadians are now become British 
subjects, they will feel the good effects of His 
Majesty’s protection.” They were in fact treated 
with a kindness that seemed to surprise them. 

L^vis was so moensed at the demand that the 
troops should lay down their arms and serve no 
longer during the war that, before the capitulation 
was signed, he made a formal protest^ in his own 
name and that of the officers from Fiance, and 
insisted that the negotiation should be broken off. 
“If,” he added, “the Marquis de Vaudreuil, through 
political motives, thinks himself obliged to surrender 
the colony at once, we ask his permission to with- 
draw with the troops of the hne to the Island of St. 
Helen, m order to uphold there, on our own behalf, 

1 Protit de if de Ldms itJUde Vcmdreml centre la Clause dans les 
Articles de Capitulation gmexigt que les Troupes mettront ban les Arises, 
avec VOrdre de M de Vaudreuil aa Chevalier de Livu de se canfbrmer 
h la Capitulation proposes Vaudreuil au Ministre de la ifanne, 10 
jS^tembre, 1760 . Lems au Ministre de la Guerre, 27 JVovembre, 1730 . 

222 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 

the honor of the King’s arms.” The proposal -was of 
course rejected, as Ldvis knew that it would be, and 
he and his officers were ordered to conform to the 
capitulation When Vaudreuil reached Prance, 
three months after, he had the mortification to receive 
from the colonial minister a letter contammg these 
words : “ Though His Majesty was perfectly aware of 
the state of Canada, nevertheless, after the assurances 
you had given to make the utmost efforts to sustain 
the honor of his arms, he did not expect to hear so 
soon of the surrender of Montreal and the whole 
colony. But, granting that capitulation was a neces- 
sity, his Majesty was not the less surprised and iU 
pleased at the conditions, so httle honorable, to which 
you submitted, especially after the representations 
made you by the Chevalier de L^vis." ^ The brother 
of Vaudreuil complained to the minister of the terms 
of this letter, and the minister replied : “ I see with 
regret. Monsieur, that you are pained by the letter I 
wrote your brother; but I could not help telling him 
what the King did me the honor to say to me ; and 
it would have been unpleasant for him to hear it 
from anybody else.”^ 

It is true that Vaudreuil had in some measure 
drawn this reproach upon himself by his boastings 
about the battles he would fight; yet the royal dis- 
pleasure was undeserved. The governor had no 

^ £e Mimstieh Vaudreuil, B D^cembre, 1760 

® Le Mtmstre au Vicomte de Vaudreuil, Frhre du Oouverneur, 21 
DUembre, 1760 


choice but to gire up the colony; for Amherst had 
him m his power, and knew that he could exact 
what terms he pleased. FurtJier resistance could 
only have ended in surrender at tlie discretion of the 
victor, and the protest of L^vis was nothing hut a 
device to save his own reputation and that of hia 
brother officers from France. Vaudreuil had served 
the King and the colony in some respects with abil- 
ity, always with an unflagging zeal ; and be loved tlie 
land of his birth with a jealous devotion that goes far 
towards redeeming his miserable defects. The King 
himself, and not the servants whom he abandoned to 
their fate, was answerable for the loss of New France 
Half the contment had changed hands at the 
scratch of a pen. Governor Bernard, of Massachu- 
setts, proclaimed a day of thanksgiving for the great 
event, and the Boston newspapers recount how the 
occasion was celebrated with a parade of the cadets 
and other volunteer corps, a grand dinner in Faneuil 
Hall, music, bonfires, illuminations, firing of cannon, 
and, above all, by sermons m eveiy church of the 
province ; for the heart of early New England always 
found voice through her pulpits. Before me lies a 
bundle of these sermons, rescued from sixscore yeais 
of dust, scrawled on their titlepages with names of 
owners dead long ago, worm-eaten, dingy, stained 
with the damps of time, and uttering in quaint old 
letterpress the emotions of a buried and forgotten 
past. Triumph, gratulation, hope, breathe m every 
line, but no ill-will against a fallen enemy. Thomas 

224 FALL OP CANADA. [1760. 

Foxcroft, pastor of the “Old Church in Boston,” 
preaches from the text, “ The Lord hath done great 
things for us, whereof we are glad.” “Long,” he 
says, “had it been the common opinion, Delenda est 
Carthago, Canada must be conquered, or we could 
hope for no lasting quiet m these parts ; and now, 
through the good hand of our God upon us, we see 
the happy day of its accomplishment. We behold 
His Majesty’s victorious troops treading upon the 
high places of the enemy, their last fortress delivered 
up, and their whole country surrendered to the King 
of Britain in the person of his general, the intrepid, 
the serene, the successful Amherst.” 

The loyal John Mellen, pastor of the Second 
Church in Lancaster, exclaims, boding nothing of 
the tempest to come: “Let us fear God and honor 
the King, and be peaceable subjects of an easy and 
happy government. And may the blessing of Heaven 
be ever upon those enemies of our country that have 
now subnutted to the English Crown, and according 
to the oath they have taken lead quiet lives in all 
godliness and houesiy.” Then he ventures to pre- 
dict that America, now thrown open to Biitish 
colonists, will be peopled in a century and a half 
with sixty million souls; a prophecy likely to be 
more than fulfilled. 

“ God has given us to sing this day the downfall 
of Hew France, the North Amencan Babylon, New 
England’s rival,” cries Eli Forbes to his congregation 
of sober farmers and staid matrons at the rustic vil- 

1760 .] 



lage of Brookfield Like many of kis fiock, he had 
been to the war, ha\nng served two years as chaplain 
of Ruggles’s Massachusetts regiment; and something 
of a martial spirit breathes through his discourse. 
He passes in review the events of each camiiaign 
down to their triumphant close. “Thus God was 
our salvation and our strength; yet he who directs 
the great events of war suffered not our joy to he 
uninterrupted, for we had to lament the fall of the 
valiant and good General Wolfe, whose death demands 
a tear from every Bntish eye, a sigh from every 
Protestant heart. Is he dead? I recall myself. 
Such heroes are immortal; he lives on every loyal 
tongue ; he hves in every grateful breast; and charity 
bids me give him a place among the princes of heaven. ” 
Nor does he forget the praises of Amherst, “tho 
renowned general, worthy of that most honorable of 
all titles, the Christian hero; for he loves his enemies, 
and while he subdues them he makes them happy. 
He transplants British liberty to where till now it 
was unknown. He acts the General, the Briton, the 
Conqueror, and the Christian. What fair hopes arise 
from the peaceful and undisturbed enjoyment of this 
good land, and the blessing of our gracious God with 
it! Methinks I see towns enlarged, settlements 
increased, and this howling wilderness become a 
fruitful field which the Lord hath blessed; and, to 
complete the scene, I see churches rise and flourish 
in every Christian grace where has been the seat of 
Satan and Indian idolatry.” 

>01, III — 15 

226 FALL OF CANADA. [1760. 

Nathaniel Appleton, of Camhdidge, hails the dawn- 
ing of a new era. “Who can tell what great and 
glorious things God is about to bring forward in the 
world, and m this world of America in particular? 
Oh, may the time come when these deserts, which for 
ages unknown have been regions of darlmess and 
habitations of crueliy, shall be illuminated with the 
light of the glorious Gospel, and when this part of 
the world, which till the later ages was utterly 
unknown, shall be the glory and joy of the whole 
earth ! ” 

On the American continent the war was ended, 
and the British colonists breathed for a space, as 
they drifted unwittingly towards a deadlier strife. 
They had learned hard and useful lessons. Their 
mutual jealousies and disputes, the quarrels of their 
governors and assemblies, the want of any general 
military organization, and the absence, in most of 
them, of military habits, joined to narrow views of 
them own interest, had unfitted them to the last 
degree for carrying on offensive war. Nor were the 
British troops sent for their support remarkable in 
the beginning for good discipline or efficient com- 
mand. When hostilities broke out, the army of 
Great Britain was so small as to be hardly worth 
the name. A new one had to be created; and thus 
the inexperienced Shirley and the incompetent 
Loudon, with the futile Newcastle behind them, had, 
besides their own incapacity, the disadvantage of raw 
troops and half-formed officers; while against them 


stood an enemy who, though weak in numbers, was 
strong m a centralized militaiy organization, skilful 
leaders armed with untrammelled and absolute 
authoniy, practised soldiers, and a population not 
only brave, but in good part mured to war. 

The nature of the country was another cause that 
helped to protract the contest. “Geography,” says 
Von Moltke, “is three-fourths of military science;” 
and never was the truth of his words more fully 
ezempllhed. Canada was fortified with vast out- 
works of defence in the savage forests, marshes, 
and mountains that encompassed her, where the 
thoroughfares were streams choked with fallen trees 
and obstructed by cataracts. Never was the problem 
of moving troops, encumbered with baggage and 
artdleiy, a more difiBcult one. The question was 
less how to fight the enemy than how to get at him. 
If a few practicable roads had crossed this broad 
tract of wilderness, the war would have been short- 
ened and its character changed. 

From these and other reasons, the numerical supe- 
riority of the English was to some extent made 
unavailing. This superiority, though exaggerated 
by French writers, was nevertheless immense if 
estimated by the number of men called to arms ; but 
only a part of these could bo employed m offensive 
operations. The rest garrisoned forts and block- 
houses and guarded the far reach of frontier from 
Nova Scotia to South Carolina, where a wily enemy, 
silent and secret as fate, choosmg their own time and 

228 FALL OF CANADA. [1760 

place of attack, and striking unawares at every un- 
guarded spot, compelled thousands of men, scattered 
at countless points of defence, to keep unceasing 
watch against a few hundred savage marauders. Pull 
half the levies of the colonies, and many of the 
regulars, were used in service of this kind. 

In actual encounters the advantage of numbers 
was often with the French, through the comparative 
ease with which they could concentrate their forces 
at a given point. Of the ten considerable sieges or 
battles of the war, five, besides the great bush-fight 
in which the Indians defeated Braddook, were vic- 
tories for France j and in four of these — Oswego, 
Fort William Henry, Montmorenci, and Ste.-Foy — 
the odds were greatly on her side. 

Yet in this the most picturesque and dramatic of 
American wars, there is nothmg more noteworthy 
than the skill with which the French and Canadian 
leaders used their advantages ; the indomitable spirit 
with which, shghted and abandoned as they were, 
they grappled with prodigious difQculties, and the 
courage with which they were seconded by regulars 
and miHtia alike. In spite of occasional lapses, the 
defence of Canada deserves a tribute of admiration. 




Exodus of Cakabiau LtADsM — Wheok of the “AuonstE"— 
Tkial of Bigot and bis Confedebatcs. — Fi» debic of 
Pbussia his I'kiouphs; bis Eevebses; his Peril, bis 
PoBTiTUDE. — Death op Geob&e II — CitiMOE ofPoliot.— 
PACT —P ALL OP Pitt— Death op the Czarina. — Pbbd- 


Kegotiatioms — Tebub OP Peace — Shall Canada be be- 
stobbd’ — Speech of Pmt —The Tbeatt Signed — End of 
THE Seven Ysabs’ War 

1h acoordanoe with the terms of the capitulation 
of Montreal, the French military officers, with such 
of the soldiers as could be kept together, as well as 
all the chief civil officers of the colony, sailed for 
France in vessels provided ly the conquerors. They 
were voluntarily followed by the principal members 
of the Canadian noblesse, and by many of the mer- 
chants who had no mind to swear allegiance to King 
George. The peasants and poorer colonists remained 
at home to begin a new life under a new dag. 

Though this exodus of the natural leaders of 
Canada was in good part deferred till the next year, 
and though the number of persons to be immediately 

280 THE PEACE OP PAMS. [1760. 

embarlced was reduced tiie desertion of many 
French soldiers who had married Canadian wives, 
yet the English authorities were sorely perplexed to 
find vessels enough for the motlej’ crowd of passen- 
gers. When at last they were all on their way, a 
succession of furious autumnal storms fell upon 
them. The ship that carried Ldvis barely escaped 
wreck, and that which bore Vaudreuil and his wife 
fared little better.* Worst of all was the fate of the 
“Auguste,” on board of which was the bold hut 
ruthless partisan, Saint-Luc de la Come, his brother, 
his children, and a party of Canadian officers, together 
with ladies, merchants, and soldiers. A worthy 
ecclesiastical chronicler paints the unhappy vessel as 
a floating Babylon, and sees in her fate the stem 
judgment of Heaven.® It is trae that New France 
ran riot in the last years of her existence ; but before 
the “Auguste ” was well out of the St. Lawrence she 
was so tossed and buffeted, so lashed with waves and 
pelted with rain, that the most allurmg forms of sin 
must have lost their charm, and her inmates passed 
days rather of penance than transgression. There 
was a violent storm as the ship entered the Gulf; 
then a calm, during which she took fire in the cook’s 
galley. The crew and passengers subdued the flames 
after desperate efforts; but their only food thence- 
forth was dry biscuit. Off the coast of Cape Breton 
another gale rose. They lost their reckoning and 

^ Livit Cl BeUeitk, 27 Nmiembre, 1760 

* Pullon, Fi« de Mademoiselle Le Ber, 363-8701 



lay tossing blindly amid the tempest. The exhausted 
sailors took, in despair, to their hammocks, from 
which neither commands nor blows could rouse them, 
while amid shneks, teais, prayers, and vows to 
Heaven, the “Auguste” drove towards the shore, 
struck, and roUed over on her side. La Come with 
six others gained the beach; and towards night they 
saw the ship break asunder, and counted a hundred 
and fourteen corpses strewn along the sand. Aided 
by Indians and by English officers. La Come made 
his way on snow-shoes up the St. John, and by a 
miracle of enduring hardihood reached Quebec before 
the end of winter.^ 

The other ships weathered the November gales, 
and landed their passengers on the shores of France, 
where some of them found a dismal welcome, being 
seized and thrown iuto the Bastille. These were 
Vaudreuil, Bigot, Cadet, P&n, Br^ard, Varin, Le 
Mercier, Penisseault, Maurin, Corpron, and others 
accused of the frauds and peculations that had helped 
to rum Canada. In the next year they were all put 
on trial, whether as an act of pure justioe or as a 
device to turn public mdignation from the govern- 
ment. In December, 1761, judges commissioned for 
the purpose began their sessions at the Chatelet, and 
a prodigious mass of evidence was laid before them. 
Cadet, with brazen effrontery, at first declared liim- 
self innocent, but ended with full and unblushing 

1 Journal du Vogage do it. Saint-Luc de la Come, Th» u bu 
own nairatire 

232 THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1760. 

confession. Bigot denied eveiything tiU silenced 
point by point with papers bearing his own signature. 
The prisoners defended themselves by accusing each 
other. Bigot and Vaudreuil brought mutual charges, 
while all agreed in denouncing Cadet. Vaudreuil, 
as before mentioned, was acquitted. Bigot was 
banished from France for life, his property was con- 
fiscated, and he was condemned to pay fifteen hun- 
dred thousand francs by way of restitution. Cadet 
was banished for nine years from Paris and required 
to refund six millions ; while others were sentenced 
in sums varying from thirty thousand to eight hun- 
dred thousand francs, and were ordered to be held in 
prison till the money was paid. Of twenty-one 
persons brought to trial ten were condemned, six 
were acquitted, three received an admonition, and 
two were dismissed for want of evidence. Thirty- 
four failed to appear, of whom seven were sentenced 
in default, and judgment was reserved in the case of 
the rest.’^ Even those who escaped from justice 
profited little by their gains, for unless they had 
turned them betimes into land or other substantial 
values, they lost them in a discredited paper currency 
and dishonored bills of exchange. 

While on the American continent the last scenes 
of the war were drawing to their close, the contest 
raged in Europe with unabated violence. England 
was in ihe full career of success; but her great ally, 

1 Juqment rendu souneratnemenl et «n dermer Seteort dans V Affaire 
du Canada, Papers at the Ch&telet of Pans, cited by Dussieiuc. 



Frederic of Prussia, seemed tottering to his ruin. In 
the summer of 1758 his glory was at its height. 
French, Austnans, and Russians had all fled before 
him. But the autumn brought reverses; and the 
Austrian geneial, Daun, at the head of an over- 
whelming force, gained over him a partial victoiy, 
which his masterly strategy robbed of its fruits. It 
was but a momentary respite. His kingdom was 
exhausted by its own tnumphs. His best generals 
were dead, his best soldiers killed or disabled, his 
resources almost spent, the very chandeliers of his 
palace melted into com ; and all Europe was in arms 
against him. The disciiilined valor of the Prussian 
troops and the supreme leadership of their undespair- 
ing King had thus far held the invading hosts at 
bay; but now the end seemed near. Frederic could 
not be everywhere at once; and while he stopped one 
leak the torrent poured m at another. The Russians 
advanced again, defeated General Wedell, whom he 
sent against them, and made a junction with the 
Austnans. In August, 1759, he attacked their 
united force at Kunersdorf, broke their left wing to 
pieces, took a hundred and eighty cannon, forced 
their centre to give ground, and after hours of furious 
fighting was overwhelmed at last. In vain he tried 
to stop the rout. The bullets killed two horses 
under him, tore his clothes, and crushed a gold 
snuff-box in his waistcoat pocket. “ Is there no b — 
of a shot that can hit me, then?” he cned in his 
bitterness, as his aides-de-camp forced him from the 


THE PEACE OF PARIS. [1769, 1760. 

field. For a few days he despaired; then rallied to 
his forlorn task, and with smiles on his lip and 
anguish at his heart watched, manoeuvred, and fought 
with cool and stubborn desperation. To his friend 
D’Argens he wrote soon after his defeat: “Death is 
sweet in comparison to such a hfe as mine. Have 
pily on me and it; believe that I still keep to myself 
a great many evil things, not wishing to affict or 
disgust anybody with them, and that I would not 
counsel you to fiy these unlucky countries if I had 
any ray of hope. Adieu, mon cher!” It was well 
for him and for Prussia that he had strong allies in 
the dissensions and dela]^ of his enemies. But his 
cup was not yet full. Dresden was taken from biwi, 
eight of his remaining generals and twelve thousand 
men were defeated and captured at Maxen, and “this 
infernal campaign,” as he calls it, closed in thick 

“I wrap myself in my stoicism as best I can,” he 
writes to Voltaire. “If you saw me you would 
hardly know me: I am old, broken, gray-headed, 
wrinkled. If this goes on there will be nothing left 
of me but the mania of making verses and an invio- 
lable attachment to my duties and to the few virtuous 
men I know. But you wiU not get a peace signed 
by my hand except on conditions honorable to niy 
nation. Your people, blown up with conceit and 
folly, may depend on this.” 

The same stubborn conflict with overmastering 
odds, the same intrepid resolution, the same subtle 


1760, 1761.] FBEDERIC OF PEUSSLi. 

strategy, the same skill m eluding the blow and 
lightning-like quickness in retorting it, marked 
Frederic’s campaign of 1760. At Liegnitz three 
armies, each equal to his own, closed round him, and 
he put them all to flight. While ha was fighting in 
Silesia, the AUies marched upon Berlin, took it, and 
held it three days, but withdrew on his approach. 
For him there was no peace. “Why weary you with 
the details of my labors and my sorrows ’ ” be wrote 
again to his faithful D’Argens. “My spirits have 
forsaken me; all gayety is buried with the loved 
noble ones to whom my heart was bound.” He had 
lost his mother and his devoted sister Wilhelmma. 
“You as a follower of Epicurus put a value upon 
hfe, as for me, I regard death from the Stoic point 
of view. I have told you, and I repeat it, never 
shall my hand sign a humiliating peace. Finish this 
campaign I will, resolved to dare all, to succeed, 
or find a glonous end.” Then came the victory of 
Torgau, the last and one of the most desperate of his 
battles; a success dearly bought, and bringing neither 
rest nor safety. Once more he wrote to D’Aigem: 
“ Adieu, dear Marquis ; write to me sometimes. Don’t 
forget a poor devil who curses his fatal existence ten 
times a day.” “I live like a military monk. Endless 
business, and a httle consolation from my books. I 
don’t know if I shall outlive this war, but if I do I 
am firmly resolved to pass the rest of my life in soh- 
tude m the bosom of philosophy and friendship. 
Your nation, you see, is blinder tihan you thought 

286 THE PEACE OP PARIS. [1760, 1761. 

These fools ■wiU lose their Canada and Pondicherry 
to please the Queen of Hungary and the Czanna.” 

The campaign of 1761 was mainly defensive on 
the part of Fredenc. In the exhaustion of his 
resources he could see no means of continuing the 
struggle, “ It is only Fortune, ” says the royal sceptic, 
“that can extricate me from tlie situation I am in. I 
escape out of it hy looking at the universe on the 
gieat scale like an observer from some distant planet. 
All then seems to he so infinitely small that I could 
almost pily my enemies for giving tliemselves so 
much trouble about so very little. I read a great 
deal, I devour my books. But for them I think 
hypochondria would have had me in Bedlam before 
now. In fine, dear Marquis, we live in troublous 
times and desperate situations. I have all the 
properties of a stage hero; always in danger, always 
on the point of perishing.” ^ And in another mood : 
“ I begin to feel that, as the Italians say, revenge is 
a pleasure for the gods. My philosophy is worn out 
by suffering. I am no saint, and I will own that I 
should die content if only I could first inflict a part 
of the misery that I endure.” 

While Fredenc was fighting for life and crown, 
an event took place in England that was to have 
great influence on the war. Walpole recounts it 
thus, writing to George Montagu on the twenty-fifth 
of October, 1760; “My man Harry tells me all the 

1 The above extracts are as translated by Carlyle in his History 
of IVedencl II. of Prusstd 

1760 .] 



amusing news. He first told me of the late Prince 
of Wales’s death, and to-day of the King’s; so I 
must tell you all I know of departed majesty. Ha 
went to bed well last night, rose at six this morning 
as usual, looked, I suppose, if all his money was in 
his purse, and called for his chocolate. A little 
after seven he went into the closet; the Gemian 
valet-de-chamlre heard a noise, listened, heard some- 
thmg like a groan, ran in, and found the hero of 
Oudenarde and Dettingen on the floor with a gash on 
his right temple hy falling against the corner of a 
bureau, lie tried to speak, could not, and expired. 
The great ventricle of the heart had burst. What 
an enviable death!” 

The old King was succeeded by his grandson, 
George III., a mirror of domestic virtues, conscien- 
tious, obstinate, narrow. His accession produced 
political changes that had been prepanng for some 
time. His grandfather was German at heart, loved 
his Continental kmgdom of Hanover, and was eager 
for aU measures that looked to its defence and preser- 
vation. Pitt, too, had of late vigorously supported 
the Continental war, saying that he would conquer 
America in Germany. Thus mth different views the 
King and the minister had concurred in the same 
measures. But George III. was English by birth, 
language, and inclination. His ruling passion was 
the establishment and increase of his own authority. 
He dishked Pitt, the repiesentative of the people. 
He was at heart averse to a war, the continuance of 

288 THE EEACE OE PARIS. [17e0, 1701. 

■ffbicli would make the Great Commoner necessary, 
and therefore powerful, and he wislied for a peace 
that would give free scope to his schemes for strength- 
ening the prerogative. He was not alone in his 
pacific inclinations. The enemies of the haughty 
minister, who had ridden rough-shod over men far 
above him in rank, were tired of his ascendency, 
£md saw no hope of ending it hut by ending the war. 
Thus a peace party grew up, and the young King 
became its real, though not at first its declared, 

The Tory party, long buried, showed signs of 
resurrection. There were those among its members 
who, even in a king of the hated line of Hanover, 
could recognize and admire the same spirit of arbi- 
trary domination that had marked their fallen idols, 
the Stuarts; and they now joined hands with the dis- 
contented Whigs in opposition to Pitt. The horrors 
of war, the blessings of peace, the weight of taxation, 
the growth of the national debt, were the rallying 
cries of the new party; but the mamspring of their 
zeal was hostihty to the great minister. Even his 
own colleagues chafed under his spirit of mastery; 
the chiefs of the Opposition longed to inherit his 
power; and the King had begun to hate him as a 
lion in his path. Pitt held to his purpose regardless 
of the gathering storm. That purpose, as proclaimed 
by bis adherents, was to secure a solid and lasting 
peace, which meant the reduction of France to so 
low an estate that she could no more be a danger to 

1761.] CHOlSEtJL. 289 

her rival. In thds he had the sympathy of the great 
body of the nation. 

Early in 1761 the King, a fanatic for prerogative, 
set his enginery in motion. The elections for the 
new Parliament were manipulated m his interest. If 
he dishked Pitt as the representative of the popular 
win, he also dishked his colleague, the shufiimg and 
uncertain Newcastle, as the representative of a too 
powerful nobility. Elements hostile to both were 
introduced into the Cabinet and the great offices. 
The King’s favorite, the Earl of Bute, supplanted 
Holdernesse as Secretary of State for the Northern 
Department; Charles Townshend, an opponent of 
Pitt, was made Secretary of War; Legge, Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, was replaced by Viscount Barring- 
ton, who was sure for the King; while a place m the 
Cabmet was also given to the Duke of Bedford, one 
of the few men who dared face the formidable min- 
ister. It was the pohcy of the Kmg and his follow- 
ing to abandon Prussia, hitherto supported by Bntisli 
subsidies, make friends with Austria and Russia at 
her expense, and conclude a separate peace with 

France was in sore need of peace. The infatua- 
tion that had turned her from her own true interest 
to serve the passions of Mana Theresa and the 
Czarina Elizabeth had brought mihtary humiliation 
and financial ruin. Abb6 de Berms, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, had lost the favor of Madame de 
Pompadour, and had been supplanted ly the Duo de 



[ 1761 . 

Choiseul. The new minister had gained his place by- 
pleasing the favorite j but he kept it through his o^v-n 
abihly and the necessities of the tune. The English- 
man Stanley, whom Pitt sent to negotiate with him, 
drew this sketch of his character: “Though he may 
have his superiors, not only in experience of business, 
but in depth and refinement as a statesman, he is a 
peison of as bold and daring a spirit as any man 
whatever in our country or in his own. Madame 
Pompadour has ever been looked upon by all preced- 
ing courtiers and ministers as their tutelaisi. deity, 
under whose auspices only they could exist, and who 
was as much out of them reach as if she were of a 
superior class of beings} but this Minister is so far 
from bemg in subordmation to her influence that he 
seized the first opportumly of depnving her not of 
an equality, but of any share of power, reducing her 
to the necessity of applying to him even for those 
favors that she wants for herself and her dependents. 
He has effected this great change, which every other 
man would have tliought impossible, in the interior 
of the Coxut, not by plausibilily, flattery, and 
address, but with a high hand, with frequent rail- 
leries and sarcasms which would have ruined any 
other, and, in short, by a clear superiority of spirit 
and resolution.”^ 

Choiseul was vivacious, brilliant, keen, penetrat- 
ing; believing nothing, fearing nothing; an easy 

1 Statdey to Pat , 6 August, 1761, in Grenville CorreeponJenee,i, 367, 


.oralist, an uncertain ally, a hater of priests; light- 
mded, inconstant; yet a kind of patriot, eager to 
)rve France and retrieve her fortunes. 

He flattered himself with no illusions. “Since 
e do not know how to make war,” he said, “we 
lUst make peace; and he proposed a congress of 
11 the belligerent Powers at Augsburg. At the 
ime time, since the war in Germany was distinct 
:om the maritime and colomal war of France and 
Ingland, he proposed a separate negotiation with the 
iritish court in order to settle the questions between 
lem as a preliminary to the general pacification, 
‘itt consented, and Stanley went as envoy to 
'’ersailles; while M. de Bussy came as envoy to 
london and, in behalf of Choiseul, offered terms of 
eace, the first of which was the entire abandonment 
E Canada to England.® But the offers were accom- 
anied by the demand that Spain, which had com- 
laints of its own against England, should be 
dmitted as a pariy to the negotiation, and even hold 
1 some measure the attitude of a mediator. Pitt 
pumed the idea with fierce contempt. “Time 
nough to treat of all that, sir, when the Tower of 
iOndon is taken sword in hand.”® He bore his part 
rith the ability that never failed him, and with a 
upreme arrogance that rose to a climax in his 

r Plassan, Diplomatte Franfatte, y 376 (Paris, 180^. 

* See the proposals m Entick, y 161. 

* Beataon, Mthtary Uemotrs, ii 434 The Count da Fuentet to thi 
?arZ <if Fgramontf 25 December, 1761, in Bntick, y. 264. 

yoi. ni. — 16 

242 THE PEACE OF PAEIS. [1701. 

demand iihat the fortress of Dunkirk should he 
demolished, not because it was any longer dangerous 
to England, hut because the nation would regard its 
destruction “as an eternal monument of the yoke 
imposed on France.”^ 

Choiseul replied with counter-propositions less 
hunuliating to his nation. When the question of 
accepting or rejecting them came before the ministry, 
the views of Pitt prevailed by a majorily of one, and, 
to the disappointment of Bute and the King, the 
conferences were broken off. Choiseul, launched 
again on the billows of a disastrous war, had seen 
and provided against the event. Ferdinand VI. of 
Spain had died, and Carlos III. had succeeded to his 
throne. Here, as in England, change of kings 
brought change of policy. While negotiating vainly 
with Pitt, the French minister had negotiated secretly 
and successfully with Carlos ; and the result was the 
treaty known as the Family Compact, having for its 
object the union of the various members of the 
House of Bourbon in common resistance to the grow- 
ing power of England. It provided that in any 
future war the Kings of France and Spain should act 
as one towards foreign Powers, insomuch that the 
enemy of either should be the enemy of both; and 

1 On tins negotiation, see Mfmoire historigue tur la N^ociation de 
la France a de PAngUterre (Fans, 1761), a French goremment pub- 
lioabon containing papers on both sides. The Bntish ministi^ also 
published such documents as they saw fit, under the title of Papers 
rdattnq to tiie Eupture wiik Spam, Compare Adolphus, George III, 
L 31-86, 


the Bourbon princes of Italy were invited to join in 
the covenant.^ What was more to the present pur- 
pose, a special agreement was concluded on the same 
day, by which Spam bound herself to declare war 
against England unless that Power should make 
peace with France before the first of May, 1762. 
For the safety of her colonies and her trade Spain 
felt it her interest to join her sister nation in putting 
a check on the vast expansion of British maritime 
power. She could bring a hundred ships of war to 
aid the dilapidated navy of France, and the wealth 
of the Indies to aid her ruined treasury. 

Pitt divined the secret treaty, and soon found 
evidence of it. He resolved to demand at once full 
explanation from Spam; and, failmg to receive a 
satisfactory reply, attack her at home and abroad 
before she was prepared. On the second of October 
he laid his plan before a Cabinet Council held at a 
house m St. James Street. There were present the 
Earl of Bute, the Duke of Newcastle, Earl Granville, 
Earl Temple, and others of the ministry. Pitt urged 
his views with great warmth. “ This, ” he exclaimed, 
“is the time for humbling the whole House of 
Bourbon ! ” ® His brother-in-law, Temple, supported 
him. Newcastle kept silent. Bute denounced the 
proposal, and the rest were of his mind. “ If these 
views are to be followed,” said Pitt, “this is the last 
time I can sit at this board. I was called to the 

^ Elaman, DipIomaUe Franpust, t. 317 (Paxis, 1809). 

* Beataon, u. 438. 

244 THE PEACE OF PAEIS. [1761. 

administratioii of affairs by the voice of the people; 
to them I have always considered myself as accoimt- 
ahle for my conduct; and therefore cannot remain in 
a situation which makes me responsible for measures 
I am no longer allowed to guide.” Nothing could 
be more offensive to George III. and his adherents. 

The veteran Carteret, Earl Granville, rephed 
angnly: “I find the gentleman is determined to leave 
us ; nor can I say I am sorry for it, since otherwise 
he would certainly have compelled us to leave him. 
But if he 18 resolved to assume the office of exclu- 
sively advising His Majesty and directing the opera- 
tions of the war, to what purpose are we called to 
tbs council ? When he talks of being responsible to 
the people, he talks the language of the House of 
Commons, and forgets that at this board he is respon- 
sible only to the King. However, though he may 
possibly have convinced himself of his infaUibihty, 
still it remains that we should be equally convmced 
before we can resign our understandings to his direc- 
tion, or join with him in the measure he proposes.” ^ 

Pitt resigned, and his colleagues rejoiced.® Power 
fell to Bute and the Tones; and great was the fall. 
The mass of the nation was with the defeated min- 
ister. On Lord Mayor’s Day Bute and Barrington 
were passing St. Paul’s in a ooach, which the crowd 

1 Amual Begister, 1761, p 44, Adolphus, George III,, i. 40. 
Thackeray, Life of Chatham, 1 692, 

> Walpole, George III,, i. 80 and note by Sir Sema Le 
chant, 80-82, 




mistook for that of Pitt, and cheered lustily; till one 
man, looking in at the window, shouted to the rest: 
“This is n’t Pitt; it ’a Bute, and be damned to him ! ” 
The cheers turned forthwith to hisses, mixed with 
cues of “No Bute*” “No Newcastle salmon*” 
“Pitt forever!” Handfuls of mud were showered 
agamst the coach, and Barrington’s ruffles were 
besmirched with it.^ 

The fall of Pitt was hke the knell of doom to 
Frederic of Prussia. It meant abandonment by his 
only ally, and the loss of the subsidy which was his 
chief resource. The darkness around him grew 
darker yet, and not a hope seemed left; when as by 
miracle the clouds broke, and light streamed out of 
the blackness. The bitterest of his foes, the Czanna 
Elizabeth, she whom he had called inflLme catin du 
Nordy died, and was succeeded by her nephew, Peter 
III. Here again, as m England and Spain, a new 
sovereign brought new measures. The young Czar, 
simple and enthusiastic, admired the King of Prussia, 
thought him the paragon of heroes, and proclaimed 
himself his friend. No sooner was he on the throne 
than Russia changed front. Prom the foe of Frederic 
she became his ally ; and in the opening campaign of 
1762 the army that was to have aided in crushmg 
him was ranged on his side. It was a turn of for- 
tune too sharp and sudden to endure. lU-balanced 
and extreme in all things, Peter plunged into head- 

1 Nuthall to Lady Chatham, 12 November, 1761, in Chatham Cor 
respondence, u 166. 

246 THE PEACE OP PARIS. [1762. 

long reforms, exasperated the clergy and the army, 
and alienated his wife, Catherme, who had hoped to 
rule in his name, and who now saw hemelf sup- 
planted by his mistress. Within six months he was 
deposed and strangled. Catherine, one of whose 
lovers had home part in the murder, reigned in his 
stead, conspicuous hy the unbridled disorders of her 
life, and by powers of mind that mark her as the 
ablest of female sovereigns. If she did not share her 
husband’s enthusiasm for Frederic, neither did she 
share Elizabeth’s hatred of him. He, on his part, 
taught by hard experience, conciliated instead of 
insulting her, and she let him alone. 

Peace with Russia brought peace with Sweden, 
and Austria with the Germanic Empire stood alone 
against him. France needed all her strength to hold 
her own against the mixed Enghsh and German force 
under Ferdinand of Brunswick in the Rhine coun- 
tries. She made spasmodic efforts to seize upon 
Hanover, hut the result was humiliating defeat. 

In England George III. pursued his policy of 
strengthenmg the prerogative, and, jealous of the 
Whig aristocracy, attacked it in the person of New- 
castle. In vam the old politician had played false 
with Pitt, and trimmed to please his young master. 
He was worried into resignmg his place in the 
Cabinet, and Bute, the obsequious agent of the royal 
will, succeeded him as First Lord of the Treasury. 
Into his weak and unwiUmg hands now fell the task 
of carrying on the war; for the nation, elated with 




ttiumphs and full of fight, still called on its ruleis 
for fresh efEorts and fresh victories. Pitt had proved 
a true prophet, and his enemies were put to shame ; 
for the attitude of Spain forced Bute and his col- 
leagues to the open rupture with her which the great 
minister had vainly urged upon them; and a new 
and formidable war was now added to the old.^ 
Their counsels were weak and half-hearted; but the 
armies and navies of England still felt the impulsion 
that the imperial hand of Pitt had given and the 
tmconquerable spirit that he had roused. 

This spirit had home them from victory to victory. 
In Asia they had driven the French from Pondicherry 
and all their Indian possessions; in Africa they had 
wrested from them Gor6e and the Senegal country; 
in the West Indies they had taken Guadeloupe and 
Dominica; in the European seas they had captured 
ship after ship, routed and crippled the great fleet of 
Admiral Confians, seized BeUeisle, and defeated a 
bold attempt to invade Ireland. The navy of France 
was reduced to helplessness. Pitt, before his resig- 
nation, had planned a series of new operations, 
including an attack on Martinique, with other West 
Indian islands still left to France, and then in tom 
on the Spanish possessions of Havana, Panama, 
Manila, and the Philippines. Now, more than ever 
before, the war appeared in its tme character. It 
was a contest for maritime and colonial ascendency; 

1 Dedaratim of War agattul the King of Spam, 4 Januarg, 176S 

248 THE PEACE OF PARIS. 11762. 

and England saw herself confronted by both her 
great rivals at once. 

Admiral Rodney sailed for Martinique, and Briga- 
dier Monckton joined him with troops from America. 
Before the middle of February the whole island was 
in their hands; and Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. 
Vincent soon shared its fate. The Earl of Albemarle 
and Admiral Sir George Pococke sailed in early 
spring on a more important errand, landed in June 
near Havana with eleven thousand soldiers, and 
attacked Moro Castle, the key of the city. The 
pitiless sun of the tropic midsummer poured its 
fierce light and heat on the parched rocks where the 
men toiled at the trenches. Earth was so scarce that 
hardly enough could be had to keep the fascines in 
place. The siege works were httle else than a mass 
of dry fagots; and when, after exhausting toil, the 
grand battery opened on the Spanish defences, it 
presently took fire, was consumed, and had to be 
made anew. Fresh water failed, and the troops died 
by scores from thirst; fevers set m, killed many, and 
disabled nearly half the army. The sea was strewn 
with floating corpses, and carrion-birds in clouds 
hovered over the populous graveyards and infected 
camps. Yet the siege went on: a formidable sally 
was repulsed; Moro Castle was carried by storm; 
till at length, two months and eight days after the 
troops landed, Havana fell into thmr hands.^ At the 

^ Journal of the Siege, hy the Chief Engineer, in Beatfon, ii. 64A 
Mante, 398-466. Enbck, r 363-383 


lame time Spam vras attacked at the antipodes, and 
;he loss of Manila and the Philippmes gave her fresh 
lause to repent her rash compact with Fiance. She 
vas hardly more fortunate near home; for having 
ent an army to invade Portugal, which was in the 
□terest of England, a small British force, under 
Brigadier Buigoyne, foiled it, and forced it to retire. 

The tide of British success was checked for an 
nstant in Newfoundland, where a French squadron 
ittacked St. John’s and took it, with its garrison of 
ixty men. The news reached Amherst at New 
fork} his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Amherst, 
vas sent to the scene of the mishap. St. John’s was 
etaken, and its late conquerors were made prisoners 
)f war. 

The financial condition of France was desperate. 
3er people were crushed with taxation} her debt 
frew apace} and her yearly expenditure was nearly 
louhle her revenue. Choiseul felt the need of imme- 
liate peace} and George III. and Bute were hardly 
ess eager for it, to avert the danger of Pitt’s return 
o power and give free scope to their schemes for 
trengthenmg the prerogative. Therefore, in Septem- 
ier, 1762, negotiations were resumed. The Duke 
>f Bedford was sent to Paris to settle the prelimi- 
laries, and the Due de Nivemois came to London on 
he same errand. The populace were still for war. 
Bedford was hissed as he passed through the streets 
)f London, and a mob hooted at the ptmy figure of 
!fivemois as he landed at Dover. 

250 THE PEACE OP PAMS. [1762. 

The great question was, Should Canada be restored ? 
Should France stiU be permitted to keep a foothold 
on the North Amenoan continent? Ever since the 
capitulation of Montreal a swarm of pamphlets had 
discussed the momentous subject. Some maintained 
that the acquisition of Canada was not an original 
object of the war; that the colony was of little value 
and ought to be given back to its old masters; that 
Guadeloupe should be kept instead, the sugar-trade 
of that island being worth far more than the Cana- 
dian fur-trade ; and, lastly, that the British colonists, 
if no longer held in check by France, would spread 
themselves over the continent, leam to supply all 
their own wants, grow independent, and become 
dangerous. Nor were these views confined to Eng- 
lishmen. There were foreign observers who clearly 
saw that the adhesion of her colonies to Great Britain 
would be jeopardized by the extinction of French 
power in America. Choiseul warned Stanley that 
they “would not fail to shake off their dependence 
the moment Canada should be ceded;” while thir- 
teen years before, the Swedish traveller Kalm 
declared that the presence of the French in Amenca 
gave the best assurance to Great Britain that its own 
colonies would remain in due subjection.^ 

The most noteworthy argument on the other side 
was that of Frankbn, whose words find a strange 
commentary in the events of the next few years. He 
affirmed that the colonies were so jealous of each 
^ Kalm, ZVaveli in North Amorica, L 207. 


er that they wotild never unite against England. 
' they could not agree to unite against the French 
I Indians, can it reasonably be supposed that there 
any danger of their uniting against their own 
ion, which it is well known they all love much 
re lhan they love one another? I will venture to 
union amongst them for such a purpose is not 
rely improbable, it is impossible;” that is, he 
dently adds, without “ the most grievous tyraimy 
. oppression,” like the bloody rule of “Alva in the 
herlands.” ^ 

f Pitt had been in ofSce he would have demanded 
ns that must rum past redemption the maritime 
. colonial power of France; but Bute was less 
cting. In November the plenipotentiaries of 
'land, France, and Spam agreed on preliminaries 
peace, in which the following were the essential 
its. France ceded to Great Bntam Canada and 
her possessions on the North American contment 
; of the river Mississippi, except the oily of New 
eans and a small adjacent district. She renounced 
claims to Acadia, and gave up to the conqueror 

Interest of Great Britaw tn regard to her Colonies (London, 


)rd Bath argues for retaining Canada in A Letter addressed to 
Great Men on the Prospect of Peace (17S0). He is answered by an- 
r pamphlet called BemarLs on the Letter to Tao Great Men (1760). 
Gentleman’s Magazine for 1769 has an minical article styled 
ions for restoring Canada to the Prench, and m 1761 a pamphlet 
nst the restitution appeared under the title, Importance of 
ada considered tn Two Letters to a Noble Lord. These are hut 
rt of the writings on the question. 

262 THE TEACE OF PAEIS. [1782. 

the Island of Cape Breton, with all other islands in 
the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence. Spam received 
back Havana, and paid for it by the cession of Florida, 
with all her other possessions east of the Mississippi. 
France, subject to certam restnctions, was left free 
to fish in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and off a part of 
tlie coast of Newfoundland; and the two little 
islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon were given her 
as fishing stations on condition that she should not 
fortify or garrison them. In the West Indies, Eng- 
land restored the captured islands of Guadeloupe; 
Marigalante, Ddsirade, and Martinique, and France 
ceded Grenada and the Grenadines; while it was 
agreed that of the so-called neutral islands, St. 
Vmcent, Dominica, and Tobago should belong to 
England, and St. Lucia to France. In Europe, each 
side promised to give no more help to its allies in the 
German war. France restored Minorca, and Eng- 
land restored Belleisle ; France gave up such parts of 
Hanoverian territory us she had occupied, and evacu- 
ated certain fortresses belonging to Prussia, pledging 
heraelf at the same time to demolish, under the 
inspection of English engineers, her own maritime 
fortress of Dunkirk. In Africa France ceded Senegal, 
and received back the small Island of Gor4e. In 
India she lost everything she had gained since the 
peace of Aix-la-Ohapelle; recovered certain trading 
stations, but renounced the right of building forts 
or maintaunng troops in Bengal. 

On the day when the preliminaries were signed, 

ir02] THE PRELIMTirARIES. 263 

France made a secret agreement with Spain, by which 
she divested herself of the last shred of her posses- 
sions on the North American continent. As com- 
pensation for Florida, which her luckless ally had 
lost m her quarrel, she made over to the Spanish 
Crown the city of New Orleans, and under the name 
of Lomsiana gave her the vast region spreading west- 
ward from the Mississippi towards the Pacific. 

On the ninth of December the question of approv- 
ing the preliminaries came up before both Houses of 
Parliament. There was a long debate in the Com- 
mons. Pitt was not present, confined, it was said, 
by gout; till late in the day the House was startled 
by repeated cheers from the outside. The doors 
opened, and the fallen minister entered, carried in 
the arms of his servants, and followed by an applaud- 
mg crowd. His bearers set him down within the 
bar, and by the help of a crutch he made his way 
with difficulty to his seat. “ There was a mixture of 
the very solemn and the theatnc in this apparition,” 
says Walpole, who was present. “The moment was 
so well tuned, the importance of the man and his 
services, the languor of his emaciated countenance, 
and the study bestowed on his dress were circum- 
stances that struck solemnity into a patriot mind, 
and did a little furnish ridicule to the hardened and 
insensible. He was dressed in black velvet, his legs 
and thighs wrapped in flannel, his feet covered with 
buskins of black cloth, and his hands with thick 
gloves.” Not for the first time, he was utilizing his 

264 THE PEACE OP PAKIS. [1763. 

maladies for purposes of stage effect. He spoke for 
about three hours, sometimes standing, and some- 
times seated; sometimes witli a brief burst of power, 
more often with the accents of pain and exhaustion. 
He highly commended the retention of Canada, but 
denounced the leavmg to France a share in the fish- 
eries, as well as other advantages tending to a 
possible revival of her maritime power. But the 
Commons listened coldly, and by a great majority 
approved the preliminaries of peace. 

These preliminaries were embodied in the definitive 
treaty concluded at Paris on the tenth of February, 
1763. Peace between Prance and England brought 
peace between the warring nations of the Continent. 
Austria, bereft of her allies, and exhausted by vain 
efforts to crush Fredeno, gave up the attempt in 
despair, and signed the treaty of Hubertsburg. The 
Seven Years’ War was ended. 




Besets oe the Wa.b. — Gebmabt. — Bbanoe. — EHai.Ain>. — 
Canada. — The Bbitisb Fbovinobb. 

“This, ’’said Earl Granville on his death-hed, “has 
been the most glonous war and the most triumphant 
peace that England ever knew.” Not aU were so 
well pleased, and many held wilh Pitt that the 
House of Bourbon should have been forced to drain 
the cup of humiliation to the dregs. Yet the fact 
remains that the Peace of Pans marks an epoch than 
which none in modem history is more fruitful of 
grand results. With it began a new chapter in the 
annals of the world. To borrow the words of a late 
emment writer, “It is no exaggeration to say that 
three of the many victories of the Seven Years’ War 
determmed for ages to come the destinies of man- 
kind. With that of Rossbach began the re-creation 
of Germany; with that of Plassey the influence of 
Europe told for the first time since the days of 
Alexander on the nations of the East; with the 
triumph of Wolfe on the Heights of Abraham 
began the history of the United States.”* 

1 Green, jETittory of the English people, vr. 183 (London, 1880). 




So far, however, as concerns the war in the Ger- 
manic countries, it was to outward seeming but a 
mad debauch of blood and rapine, ending in nothing 
but the exhaustion of the combatants. The havoc 
had been frightful. According to the King of 
Prussia’s reckoning, 853,000 soldiers of the various 
nations had lost their lives, besides hundreds of 
thousands of non-combatants who had perished from 
famine, exposure, disease, or violence. And vnth 
aU this waste of life not a boundary line had been 
changed. The rage of the two empresses and the 
vamty and spite of the concubine bad been com- 
pletely foiled. Frederic had defied them all, and had 
come out of the stnfe intact in his own hereditary 
dominions and master of all that he had snatched 
from the Empress-Queen 5 while Prussia, portioned 
out by her enemies as their spoil, lay depleted indeed, 
and faint with deadly striving, but crowned with 
glory, and with the career before her wliich, through 
tribulation and adversity, was to lead her at last to 
the headship of a united Germany. 

Through centuries of strife and vicissitude the 
French monarchy had triumphed over nobles, parlia- 
ments, and people, gathered to itself all the forces of 
the State, beamed with illusive splendors under Louis 
the Great, and shone with the phosphorescence of 
decay under his contemptible successor; till now, 
robbed of prestige, burdened with debt, and mined 
with corruption, it was moving swiftly and more 
swiftly towards the abyss of ruin. 



1768-1884 ] 

Wliile the war hastened the inevitable downfall 
of the French monarchy, it produced still more 
notable effects. France under Colbert had embarked 
on a grand course of maritime and oolomal enter- 
prise, and followed it with an activity and vigor tliat 
promised to make her a great and formidable ocean 
power. It was she who led the way in the East, 
first trained the natives to fight her battles, and 
began that system of mixed diplomacy and war which, 
imitated by her rival, enabled a handful of Europeans 
to master all India. In North America her vast 
possessions dwarfed those of every other nation. She 
had built up a powerful navy and created an exten- 
sive foreign trade. All this was now changed. In 
India she was reduced to helpless inferiority, with 
total rum in the future} and of all her boundless 
territories in North America nothing was left but the 
two island rocks on the coast of Newfoundland that 
the victors had given her for drying her codfish. Of 
her navy scarcely forty ships remained; all the rest 
were captured or destroyed. She was stdl great on 
the continent of Europe, but as a world power her 
grand opportunities were gone. 

In England as in France the several members of 
the State had battled together since the national life 
began, and the result had been, not the unchecked 
domination of the Crown, but a system of balanced 
and adjusted forces, in which King, Nobility, and 
Commons all had their recognized places and their 
share of power. Thus in the war just ended two 





great conditions of success had been supplied: a 
people instinct with the energies of ordered freedom, 
and a masterly leadership to inspire and direct them. 

All, and more than all, that France had lost Eng- 
land had won. Now, for the first time, she was 
beyond dispute the greatest of maritime and colonial 
Powers. Portugal and Holland, her precursors m 
ocean enterprise, had long ago fallen hopelessly 
behind. Two great rivals remained, and she had 
humbled the one and swept the other from her path. 
Spain, with vast American possessions, was sinking 
into the decay which is one of the phenomena of 
modem history; while France, of late a most formi- 
dable competitor, had abandoned the contest in 
despair. England was mistress of the seas, and the 
world was thrown open to her merchants, explorers, 
and colonists. A few years after the Peace the navi- 
gator Cook began his memorable senes of voyages, 
and surveyed the sti’ange and barbarous lands which 
after times were to transform into other Englands, 
vigorous children of this great mother of nations. 
It is true that a heavy blow was soon to fall upon 
her; her own folly was to alienate the eldest and 
greatest of her offspring. But nothing could rob her 
of the glory of giving birth to the United States; 
and, though politically severed, this gigantic progeny 
were to be not the less a source of growth and pros- 
perity to the parent that bore them, joined with her 
in a triple kinship of laws, language, and blood. 
The war or series of wars that ended with the Peace 

1763-1884.] CAITADA. 259 

of Palis secured the opportunities and set in action 
the forces tliat have planted English homes in every 
clime, and dotted the eaith with English garnsoiis 
and posts of trade. 

With the Peace of Paris ended the checkered story 
of New France; a story which would have been a 
history if faults of constitution and the bigotry and 
folly of rulers had not dwarfed it to an episode. Yet 
it is a noteworthy one in both its lights and its 
shadows: in the disinterested zeal of tlie founder of 
Quebec, the self-devotion of the early missionary 
martyrs, and the darmg enterprise of explorers; in 
the spiritual and temporal vassalage fiom which the 
only escape was to the savagery of the wilderness ; 
and in the swarmmg corruptions which were the 
natural result of an attempt to rule, by the absolute 
hand of a master beyond the Atlantic, a people bereft 
of every vestige of civil hboity. Civil liberty was 
given them by the British sword; but the conqueror 
left their religious system untouched, and through it 
they have imposed upon themselves a weight of 
ecclesiastical tutelage that finds few equals in the 
most Cathoho countries of Europe. Such guardian- 
ship is not without certain advantages. When faith- 
fully exercised it aids to uphold some of the tamer 
virtues, if that can be called a virtue which needs 
the constant presence of a sentinel to keep it from 
escapmg; but it is fatal to mental robustness and 
moral courage ; and if French Canada would fulfil its 
aspirations it must cease to be one of the most priest- 
ridden communities of the modem world. 

260 CONCLUSION. [1763-1884. 

Soaoccely were they free from the incubus of 
France when the British provinoes showed symptoms 
of revolt. The measures on the part of the mother- 
country which roused their resentment, far from being 
oppressive, were less burdensome than the navigation 
laws to which they had long submitted; and they 
resisted taxation by Parliament simply because it 
was in principle opposed to their rights as freemen. 
They did not, hke the American provinces of Spam 
at a later day, sunder themselves from a parent fallen 
into decrepitude; but with astonishing audacity they 
affronted the wrath of England in the hour of her 
triumph, forgot their jealousies and quarrels, joined 
hands in the common cause, fought, endured, and 
won. The disunited colonies became the United 
States. The string of discordant communities along 
the Atlantic coast has grown to a mighty people, 
joined in a union which the earthquake of civil war 
served only to compact and consolidate. Those who 
in the weakness of their dissensions needed help from 
England against the savage on their borders have 
become a nation that may defy every foe but that 
most dangerous of all foes, herself, destined to a 
majestic future if she will shun the excess and per- 
version of the principles that made her great, prate 
less about the enemies of the past and strive more 
against the enemies of the present, resist the mob and 
the demagogue as she resisted Parliament and King, 
rally her powers from the race for gold and the 
delirium of prosperity to make firm the foundations 




on ■whicli that prosperity rests, and turn some fair 
proportion of her vast mental forces to other objects 
than material progress and the game of party pohtios. 
She has tamed the savage contment, peopled the 
sohtude, gathered wealth untold, waxed potent, 
imposing, redoubtable; and now it remains for her 
to prove, it she can, that the rule of the masses is 
consistent with the highest growth of the individual; 
that democracy can give the world a civilization as 
mature and pregnant, ideas as energetic and vitalizing, 
and types of nunhood as lofty and strong, aa any of 
the systems which it boasts to supplant. 




Piquet mA his War-Party. — “ Oe parti \dsguerre\ pour 
lequel M le Gdn^ral a douu^ sou consentement, sera de 
plus de 3,800 homines. . . . fOOhommes de nos domicilids, 
700 des Cinq nations it Texolusion des Agniers [MoJuiwks] 
qui ne sent plus regard^s qua comme des anglais, 600 taut 
Iroquois que d’autres nations le long de la Belle Rivi- 
ere d’oii ils esp^rent chasser les anglais qui j formeut 
des Etablissemens contraires an bien des guerriers, 
2,000 bommes qu’ils doivent prendre aux tStes plates 
[^Ghoctawsl oit ils s’arresteront, e’est la oh les deux chefs 
de guerre doivent proposer k Tarm^e I’exp^dition des 
Miamis an retour de celle contre la Nation du Chien 
[ Oherokees']. Un vieux levain, quelques anciennes que- 
relies leur feront tout entreprendre contre les anglais de 
la Virgime s’lls donnent encore quelques seeonrs k cette 
dermere nation, oe qui ne mauquera pas d’arriver. . . . 

“ C’est un grand miracle que malgrd I’envie, les con- 
tradictions, I’opposition presque gdnerale de tous les 
Villages sauvages, ]'aye formd en moms de 3 ans une 
des plus florissantes missions du Canada. . . . Je me 
trouve done, Messieurs, dans Toccasion de pouvoir 4tendre 
Pempire de J4aus Christ et du Roy mes bons maitres 



jusqu’aux extr^mitds de oe nouveau mortde, et de plus 
faire avec quelques seoours que vous me procurerez que 
la France et I’angleterre ne pourraient faire avec plu- 
sieurs millions et toutes leur troupes ” Copie de la 
Lettre ecvUepar M. VAhbi l^tequet, dattee h la Prisentw- 
tion <h, 8 P^u. 1752 (Archives de la M.uiue). 

I saw in the possession of the late Jacques Yiger, of 
Montreal, an illuminated drawing of one of Piquet’s 
banners, said to be still m existence, in which the cross, 
the emblems of the Virgin and the Saviour, the fleur de 
Its, and the Iroquois totems are all embioideied and 
linked together by strings of wampum beads wrought 
into the Silk. 

JDireetions of the French Colonial Minister for the 
Besbruetwn. of Oswego. — seule voye dont on puisse 
faire usage en temps de paix pour une paroille opdiation 
est celle des Iroquois des oinq nations. Les terres sur 
lesquelles le poste a 4t^ dtabli leur appartieunent et ce 
n’est qu’aveo leur consentement que les anglois s’y sont 
placds. Si en faisant regarder ^ ces sauvages un pareil 
dtablissement comme contraire k leur libertd et comme 
une usurpation dont les anglois pr^tendent faire usage 
pour acqudrir la propridtd de leur terre on pourrait les 
determiner dp entieprendre de les ddtruire, une pareille 
operation no seroit pas d negliger ; mais M. le Marquis 
de la Jonquidre doit sentir avec quelle oirconspection 
une affaire de cette espdce doit dtre conduite et il faut en 
effSt qu’il y travaille de fa 9 on d ne se point oompromet- 
tre.” Le Ministre d MM. de la JonquUre et Bigot, 15 
Jvril, 1760 (Archives de la Marine). 





Snglish Treatment of Acadians. — “Les Anglois dans 
la vue de la Oonqu^te du Canada ont voalu donner aux 
peuples franQois de oes Colonies un exemple frappant 
de la douceur de leur gouvernement dans lenr ooncluite A 
I’dgard des Accadiens. 

“ Ils leur ont fourni pendant plus 35 ans le simple 
ndcessaire, sans dlerer la fortune d’aAoun, ils leur ont 
fourm ce ndoessaire sourent A crddit, arec un exoAs de 
oonfiance, sans fatiguer lea ddbiteurs, sans les presser, 
sans vouloir les forcer au payement 
« Ils leur ont laissd une apparence de libertd si exces- 
sive qu’ils n’ont voulu prendre aucune diffdrenoe [«tc] de 
leur diffdrents, pas mAzne 'pour les crimes. ... Ils ont 
souffbrt que les accadiens leur refusassent insolemment 
certains rentes de grains, modiques & trAs-ldgitimement 

“ Ils ont dissimuld le refus mdprisant que les accadiens 
ont fait de prendre d’eux des concessions pour les noii- 
veaux terreins qu’ils voulaient occuper, 

<‘Les fruits que oette conduits a pioduit dans la 
demiAre guerre nous le savons [aie] et les anglois nVn 
ignorent rien. Qu’on juge lA-dessus de leur ressentiment 
et des vues de vengeance de cette nation cruelle. . . 
Je prdvois notamment la dispersion des jeunes accadiens 
sur lea vaisseaux de guerre anglois, oA la seule rAgle 
pour la ration du pain sufflt pour les detruire jusqu’au 
dernmr.” Boma, Ojfhier a I’ Isle Royals A — , 1750 
Indians, directed by Missionaries, to attack the JElnglish 
in Time of Peace. “ La lettre de M. PAbb^ Le Loutre 



me paroit si int^ressante que j’ay I’honneur de vous en 
envoyer Copie. . . . Les trois sauvages qui m’ont portd 
ces ddpSches m’ont pail^ relativement ^ oe que M. 
I’Abb^ Le Loutre marque clans sa lettre ; je n’ay eu garde 
de leui donner aucun Conseil l^-dessus et ]e me suis 
bornd k leur proinettre que je ae les abandoimeiai 
point, aussy ai-je pourvu 4 tout, soit pour les armes, 
munitions de guerre et de bouolie, soit pour les autres 
olioses ndcessaires. 

"11 seroit k soubaiter que ces Sauvages rassemblds 
pussent parvenir S, traverser les anglois clans leurs en- 
treprises, m§me dans oelle de Obibouctou [JJaK/iza:] , ils 
sont dans cette rdsolution et s'lls peuvent mettre it 
execution ce qu'ils out projettd il est assurd qu'ils seront 
fort incommodes aux Anglois et que les vexations qu’ils 
exeroeront sur eiix leur seront un trfes grand obstacle, 

“ Ces sauvages doivent agii seuls, il n’y aura ny soldat 
ny habitant, tout se fera de leur pur inouvement, et sans 
qu’il paraisse que j’en eiisse eonnoissance. 

"Cela est trfes esseiiliel, aussy ai-je dorit au Sf de 
Boisbdbert d’observer beauooup de prudence dans ses 
ddmarobes et de les faire tr^s scerfetemeiit pour que les 
Anglois ne puissent pas s’aperoevoir que nous pourvoy- 
ons aux besoins des dits sauvages. 

“Ce seront les missionnaiies qui feront toutes les 
ndgociations et qui dirigeront les pas des dits sauvages, 
ils sont en trbs bonnes mains, le B. P. Germain et 
M. PAbbd Le Loutre dtant fort au fait d’en tirer tout 
le party possible et le plus avantageux pour nos in- 
terSts, ils m^iiageront leur intrigue de faqon it n’y pas 
paroitre . . . 

“ Je sens, Monseigneur, toute la delicatesse de cette 
negociation, soyez persuadd que je la conduirai aveo tant 
de precautions que les anglois ne ponrront pas dire que 

iiPPENDIX 267 

mes ordres j ont eu part.” Za Jonquiira au Miniatre, 9 
Oct. 1749 

Missionaries to T>e encouraged in their Efforts to make 
the Indians attack the English. — “ Les saarages ... so 
distmguent, depms la paix, dans les mouTements qu'il y 
a du cdtd de I’Acadie, et sur lesquels Sa Ma 3 est^ juge & 
propos d’entier dans quelquea details arec le Sieur de 
Saymond. . . . 

“ Sa Majestd lay a dd]d. observd que les saurages ont 
6b6 3 usqa’i px^ent dans les dispositions les plus favo- 
xables. II est de la plus grande importance, et pour le 
present et pour Vavenir, de ne nen ndgliger pour les 
y maintenir. Les missionnaires qui sont aupr^s d’eux 
sont plus k portds d’y contribuer que personne, et Sa 
Majestd a lieu d’etre satisfaite des soins qu’ils y donnent. 
Le SI de Eaymond doit exciter oes missionnaires k ne 
point se relaober sur cela ; mais en m^me temps il doit 
les avertir de contenir leur zkle de manifere qu’ils ne se 
comprometteut pas mal k propos atreo les anglois et qu’ils 
ne donnent point de 3 ustes su 3 ets de plaintes.” Memoire 
du Roy pour servir d’Jnsti notion au Comte de Raymond^ 
24 AvrU, 1751 

Acadians to join the Indiana in attaching the English. 
— “Pour que oes Sauvages agissent avec beaucoup de 
Courage, quelques accadieiis habiUds et mataoh^ coniine 
les Sauvages pourront se 3 oindre a eux pour faire coup 
sur les Anglois. Je ne puis dviter de consentir k oe que 
ces Sauvages feront puisque nous avons les bras liks et 
que nous ne pouvons nen faire par nous-m@mes, au 
surplus je ne orois pas qu’il y ait de I’luoonvenient de 
laisser mSler les accadiens parmi les Sauvages, paroeque 
s’lls sont pris, nous dirons qu’ils ont agi de leur propre 
mouvement.” La Jonguiire au Ministre, 1 Mai, 1761. 

Cost of Le Loutre’s Intrigues. — “J’ay dd 3 k fait payer 



A M. Le Loutre depuis Vannde derui^re la somme do 
11183Z. 18«. pour acquitter les ddpenaes qu’il fait jour^ 
nellement et je ue cesse de luy recominander de s’eu 
tenir aux iudispenaables ea evitant toujours de rien 
oompromettre aveo le gouvernemeiit auglois.” Pr(voi,t 
au Ministre, 22 JuUlet, 1760. 

Payment for English Scaljos in Time of Peace, — “ Lts 
Sauvagea out piis, il y a uu mois, 18 chevelures angloises 
[^English scalps'], et M. Le Loutie a dtd obligd de les 
payer 1800Z , argent de I’Aoadie, dont je luy ay fait le 
remboursement.” Ibid«, 16 Ao&t, 1763. 

Many pages might be filled with extracts like the 
above. These, with most of the other French documents 
used m Chapter IV., are taken from the Archives de la 
Marine et des Colonies. 


Washington and the CapitvlaHon at Port NecessUy. — 
Yilliers, in his Journal, boasts that he made Washington 
Sign a virtual admission that he had assassinated Jumou' 
ville. In regard to this point, a letter, of which the 
following is an extract, is printed in the provincial 
papers of the time. It is from Captain Adam Stephen, 
an officer in the action, writing to a friend five weeks 

" When Mr. Vanbraam returned with the French pro- 
posals, we were obliged to take the sense of them from 
his mouth j it rained so heavy that he could not give us 
a written translation of them; we could scarcely keep 



the candle lighted to read them by ; they were written 
in a bad hand, on wet and blotted paper, so that no 
person could read them but Yanbraam, who had beard 
them from the month of the French ofBoer, Every 
officer there is ready to declare that there was no suoh 
word as assassination mentioned The terms expressed 
were, the death of JumonvUle. If it had been mentioned 
we would by all means have had it altered, as the French, 
during the course of the interview, seemed very conde- 
scending, and desirous to bring things to an issue ” He 
then gives several other points in which Vanbraam had 
misled them. 

Dinwiddie, recounting the affair to Lord Albemarle, 
says that Washington, being ignorant of French, was 
deceived by the interpreter, ivho, through poltroonery, 
suppressed the word assassination. 

Captain Mackay, writing to Washington in September, 
after a visit to Philadelphia, says "I had several dis- 
putes about our capitulation ; but I satisfied every person 
that mentioned the subject as to the articles in question, 
that they were owing to a bad interpreter, and contrary 
to the translation made to us when we signed them ” 

At the next meeting of the burgesses they passed a 
vote of thanks for gallant conduct to Washington and all 
his officers by name, except Vanbraam and the major of 
the regiment, the latter being charged with cowardice, 
and the former with treacherous misinterpretation of 
the articles. 

Sometime aftei, Washington wrote to a correspondent 
who had questioned him on the subject: “ That we were 
wilfully or ignorantly deceived by our interpreter in 
regard to the word assassination I do aver, and will to 
my dying moment ; so will every officer that was present. 
The interpreter was a Dutchman little acquainted with 



the English tongue, therefore might not adveit to the 
tone and meaning of the word in English ; but, whatever 
his motives for so doing, certain it is that he called it 
the death or the loss of the Sieur Jumonville, So we 
received and so we understood it, until, to our great 
sui prise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a 
literal translation.” Sparks, Writings of Washington, 
11 . 464, 465. 



It has been said that Beaujen, and not Contrecoeur, 
commanded at Port Duquesne at the time of Braddock’s 
expedition. Some contemporaries, and notably the chap- 
lain of the fort, do, in fact, speak of him as in this 
position ; but their evidence is overborne by more num- 
erous and conclusive authorities, among them Vaudreuil, 
governor of Canada, and Contrecoeur himself, in an 
official report. Vaudreuil says of him: “Ce comman- 
dant s’occupa le 8 {Juilleil k former un parti pour aller 
au devant des Anglois 5 ” and adds that tins party was 
commanded by Beau]eu and consisted of 260 French and 
650 Indians ( Vavdreuil au Ministre, 6 Aout, 1766). In 
the autumn of 1766 Vaudreuil asked the Colonial Minister 
to procure a pension for Contrecoeur and Ligneris. He 
says : “ Le premier de ces Messieurs a command^ long- 
temps au fort Duquesne; e’est luy qui a ordonnd et 
dirigd tons les mouvements qui se sont faits dans cette 
partie, soit pour faire abandonner le premier dtablisse- 
ment des Anglois, soit pour les forcer d. se retirer du fort 
lI4oessit4, et soit enfin pour aller au devant de Taimde 



du Gdndral Braddock qm a dtd entiferement ddfaite” 
(Vaudrmil au Ministo’e, 8 Nou. 1766) Beaajeu, wlio 
had lately arrived with a reinforcement, had been named 
to relieve Coiitrecoear (Durnas au Minwtie, 2i Juillet, 
1766), but had not yet done so. 

As the report of Contrecoeur has never been punted, I 
give an extract fiom it {Contrecceur a Vaudreuil, 14 
Juilletf 1765, in Archives de la Marine) — 

“ Le mSme ]our [8 Juillei\ je formal un party de tout 
ce que 30 pouvois mettre hors dn fort pour aller h leur 
rencontre. 11 dtoit composd de 260 Franqois et de 660 
sauvages, ce qui faisoit 900 hommes. M. de Beaiijeu, 
capitaine, le commandoit II y avoit deux capitames 
qui estoient M“ Dumas et Ligneris et plusieurs autrea 
ofSciers subalternes. Ce parti se mit en marcha le 9 ^ 8 
hemes du matin, et se trouva k midi et deinie en presence 
des Anglois k environ 3 lieues du fort. On commenga 
4 faire W de pait et d’autre. Le feu de I’artillerie eii 
nemie fit leculer un pen par deux fois notie iiorti. M. 
de Beaujeu fut tud a la troisieme decharge M. Dumas 
prit le commandement et s’en acquitta au mieux. Nos 
ErauQois, pleins de courage, soutenus par les sauvages, 
quoiqu’ils n’eussent point d’artillerie, firent h leur torn 
plier les Anglois qui se battirent en ordre de bataille et 
en bonne conteuanoe. Et oes derniers voyant I’ardeur 
de nos gens qui fonqoient aveo une vigour infime fureiit 
enfin obligds de plier tout 4. fait aprhs 4 heures d'uti 
grand feu. M” Dumas et Lignens qm n’avoient plus 
aveo eux q’une vingtaine de Fran 90 is ne s’engagerent 
point dans la poursmte. Ds rentrerent dans le fort, 
paroeq’une grande partie des Canadiens qui n’estoient 
malheureusement que des enfants s’estoient retirds 4 la 
preiuihre ddohatge.’^ 



The letter of Dumas cited in the text has been equally 
unknown. It was written a year after the battle in order 
to draw the attention of the minister to services which 
the writer thought had not been duly recognized. The 
folio wmg is an extract (Dumas au Mimatre, 24 JuUlet, 
1756, in Archives de la Marine) : — 

“ M. de Beaujeu marcha done, et sous ses ordres M. de 
Ligneris et moi, II attaqua avec beauooup d’audaoe inais 
sans nulle disposition ; notre premiere ddcharge fut faite 
hors de portde; I’ennemi fit la sienne de plus pr^s, et 
dans le premier instant du combat, cent miliciens, qui 
fasaient la moitid de nos Frangais Ikoherent honteuse- 
ment le pied en oriant ‘ Sauve qui pent.’ Deux cadets 
qui depuis out etd faits offioiers autorisait cette fuite par 
leur exemple. Oe mouvement en aiTi^re ayant encour- 
agd I’ennemi, il fit retentir ses oris de Vive le "Roi et 
avanga sur nous k grand pas. Son artillerie s’dtant pre> 
pai'4e pendant ce temps Ih oommenQa d. faire fen oe qui 
dponvanta tellement les Sauvages que tout prit la fuite ; 
I’ennemi faisait sa troisidme ddoharge de mousqueterio 
quand M. de Beaujeu fut tud. 

“ Notre ddroute se prdsenta 6. mes yeux sous le plus 
ddsagidable point de vue, et pour n’6tre point chaigd de 
la mauvaise manoeuvre d’autrui, je ne songeai plus qu’S, 
me faire tuer. Ge fut alors, Monseigneur, qu’excitant 
de la voix et du geste le pen de soldats qui restait, je 
m’avangai area la contenance qui donno le ddsespoir. 
Mon peloton fit un feu si vif que I’ennemi en parut 
dtonnd ; il grossit insensiblemeut et les Sauvages voyant 
que mon attaque foisait cesser les oris de I’ennemi re- 
vinrent & moi. Dans ce moment j’eiivoyai M le Ohev' Le 
Borgne et M. de Bocbeblave dire aux ofiiciers qui dtaient 
& la t3te des Sauvages de prendre I’ennemi en flanc. Le 
canon qui battit en tSte donna favenr k mes ordres. 
L’ennemi, pris de tons cotds, oombattit avec la fermetd 



la plus opinifttre. Des rangs entiers tombalent A la fois ; 
presque tous les offlciers p&irent ; et le d^sordre s’etant 
mis par lA dans cette colonne, tout prit la fuite.” 

Whatever may have been the conduct of the Canadian 
militia, the Prench officers behaved with the utmost 
courage, and shared with the Indians the honors of the 
victory. The partisan chief Charles Langlade seems 
also to have been especially prominent. His grandson, 
the aged Pierre Grignon, declared that it was he who 
led the attack (Draper, ReaoUections of Orignon, in the 
GoUectiona of the Wisconsin Historical iSbcie^y, iii ). 
Such evidence, taken alone, is of the least possible 
weight; but both the traveller Ajibury and General 
John Burgoyne, writing many years after the event, 
speak of Langlade, who was then alive, as the author of 
Braddook’s defeat. Hence there can be little doubt that 
he took an important part in at, though the contempo- 
rary writers do not mention his name Compare Tassd, 
Notice sur Charles Langlade. The honors fell to Con- 
trecoeur, Dumas, and Ligneris, all of whom received 
the cross of the Order of St. Louis {jOrdres dM Boy et 
HSjg^hes des Ministres, 1755). 



To show the style of Montoabn’s familiar letters, I give 
a few examples. Literal translation is often impossible. 

X MjuDiUoi Da Montcalu, X MoKTsfiAi., 16 Avriii, 1757. 
{Extrait ) 

<‘Ma santd assez bonne, malgrd beaucoup de travail, 
surtout d’ecriture. Estbve, mon secretaire, se mane. 
VOL. in. — 18 



Beau caraot&re. Boa autograplie, toivant vite Je lui 
procure iin emploi et le moyen de faire fortune s’ll veut. 
11 fait un meilleur mariage que ne lui appartient ; inalgrd 
cela je crams qu’il ne la fasse pas comme uu autre ; fat, 
frivole, 3 oueur, glorieux, petit-maitre, d^pensier. J’ai 
toa]ours Maicel, des soldais copistes dans le besom. . . . 
Tons les soldats de Montpellier se portants bien, hors le 
fils de Pierre mort chez moi. Tout est hois de prix. 
II faut vivre honorablement et je le fais, tous les jours 
seize personnes. Tine fois tons les quinze jours chez M. 
le Gouverneur gdndral at M' le Cher, de Ldvis qui vit 
aussi trbs bien. H a donnd trois beaux grands bals. 
Pour moi jusqu’au cargme, outre les diners, de grands 
soupers de dames trois fois la semaine. Le jour des 
devotes prudes, des concerts. Les jours des jefines des 
violons d’hazard, paroequ’on me les demandait, cela ne 
menait que jusqu’i deux heures du matin et il se joiguait 
l’apr6S'Sonper oompagnie dansante sans 6tre pride, mais 
sure d’etre bien reque & celle qm avait soupd. Port cher, 
peu amusant, et souvent ennuyeux. . . . Yous connais- 
siez ma maison, je Pai augmentde d’un cocher, d’un 
frotteur, un gar^on de ouisme, et j’ai marid mon aide de 
ouisine ; oar je travaille S. peupler la colonie : 80 man- 
ages de soldats cet hirer et deux d’oifioiers. Germain a 
perdu sa fille. H a epousd mieux que lui ; bonne femme 
mais sans bien, comme toutes. . . .” 

A Mxdamb SB Mobtoalsi, k Mobtb&al, 6 Join, 1767. 

(Extrait ) 

“ J’addresse la premiere de cette lettre d. ma mdre. II 
n’y a pas une heiire dans la journde que je ne songe h 
vous, h eUe, et di mes enfants. J’embrasse ma fille ; je 
TOUS adore, ma trds ohdre, amsi que ma mbre. Mille 



clioses k mes Bcenrs. Je n’ai pas le temps de leur ^crire, 
ni 4 27^au]ac, ni aux abbesses. . . . Des compliments au 
chateau d’Arbois, aux Du Cayla, et aux Givard. P S. 
N’oubliez pas d’envoyer une douzaine de bouteilles 
d’Angleteire de pinte d’eau de lavaude ; vous en mettiez 
quatre pour chaque envoi.” 

A Boublahaque, a MoKTBti.1., 20 PAvbibx, 1767 
{Extrait ) 

“Dimanche j’avais rassemble les dames de France 
hors Mad. de Parfouru qui m’a fait I’honneur de me 
venir voir il y a trois jours et en la voyant je me suis 
apper^u que I’amour avait des traits de puissance doiit on 
ne pouvait pas rendre raison, non pas par I’lmpression 
qu’elle a faite sur mon cosiir, mais bien par oelle qu’elle 
a faite sui oelui de son epoux. Mercredi une assemblde 
chez Mad Vann. Jeudi un bal cliez le Chev. de Ldvis 
qui avait piie 65 Dames ou demoiselles , II a’y en avait 
que trente — autant d’hommes qu’a la guerre. Sa salle 
bien dclairde, aussi grand que celle de Plntendaiice, 
beaucoup d’oidre, beaucoup d’attention, des rafraichisse- 
inents en abondauce toute la nuit de tout genre et de 
toute espbce et on ne se retira qu’^ sept heures du matin. 
Pour moi qui ay quittd le sdjour de Qudbec, Je me 
couchai de bonne heure J’avais eu ce jour-lh huit dames 
k souper et ce souper dtait dedid k Mad. Yann. Demain 
]’en aural une demi douzaine. Je ne soai encore a qui il 
est dcdid, Je suis tentd de croire que c’est k La lloohe 
Beaucouit Le galant Chev' nous donne encore un bah” 





Wssa TO Loodon, Pobt>, 11 Ado. 1767. 

PttbUe Seeord Office. {Extract.) 

« Ow leaving the Camp Yesterday Morning they [the 
JBnglish aoldieray were stript by the Indians of every- 
thing they had both Officers and Men the Women and 
Children drag’d from among them and most inhumanly 
butchered before their faces, the parly of about three 
hundred Men which were given them as an escort were 
during this time quietly looking on, from this and other 
circumstances we are too well convinced these barbarities 
must have been connived at ly the French, After hav- 
ing destroyed the women and children they fell upon the 
rear of our Men who running in upon ^e Front soon 
put the whole to a most precipitate flight in which con- 
fusion part of them came into this Camp about two 
o’clock yesterday morning in a most distressing situa- 
tion, and have continued dropping m ever since, a great 
many men and we are afraid several Officers were 

The above is independent of the testimony of Frye, 
who dffi not reach Fort Edward till the day after Webb’s 
letter was written. 

Fstb to Thoiu.8 Hubbxbd, SrSiiKBB or tbs Houss or 

Bxpusbbhxxtivxs of Mabbao&ubbtts, AibjINT, 16 Ana. 1767. 

Public JSecord Office, (Extract.) 

“We did not march till ye 10th at which time the 
Savages were let loose upon us. Strips, Kills, & Scalps 



our people drove them into Disorder Beudered it im- 
possible to Rallj, the iFrenoh Gaurds we were promised 
shou’d Escort us to Port Edward Could or would not 
protect us so that there Opened the most horrid Scene 
of Barbarity immaginable, I was stnp’d myself of my 
Aims & Cloathing that I had nothing left but Briohes 
Stockings Shoes & Shirty the Indians round me with 
their Tomehawks Spears &o threatening Death I flew to 
the Officers of the Erench Gkiurds for Protection but they 
would afford me none, therefore was Oblig’d to fly and 
was in the woods till the 12th in the Morning of which 
I arriv’d at Port Edward almost Famished. . . . with 
what of Fatigue Starving &o I am obliged to break off 
but as soon as I oan Beoolleot myself shall write to you 
more fully.” 

Fbts, JouBHAn or xhb Attack or Fobt William Brnr. 

PuUie Beeord Offica (Extract.) 

“ Wed/neaday, August lOiA. — Early this morning we 
were ordered to prepare for our march, but found the 
Indians in a worse temper ^f possible) than last night, 
every one having a tomahawk, hatchett or some other 
instrument of death, and Constantly plundering from the 
officers their arms &ca this Col” Monro Complained of, 
as a breach of the Articles of Capitulation but to no 
effect, the french officers however told us that if we 
would give up the baggage of the officers and men, to 
the Indians, they thought it would make them easy, 
which at last Col® Monro Consented to but this was no 
sooner done, then they began to take the Officers Hatts, 
Swords, guns & Cloaths, stripping them all to their 
Shirts, and on some officers, left no shirt at all, while 
this was doing they killed and scalp’d all the sick and 



•wounded before our faces and then took out from our 
troops, all the Indians and negroes, and Carried them 
off, one of the former they burnt alrve afterwards. 

“ At last with great difficulty the troops gott from the 
Ketrenchment, but they were no sooner out, then the 
savages fell upon the rear, killing & scalping, which 
Occasioned an order for a halt, which at last was done 
in great Confusion but as soon as those in the front knew 
what was doing in the rear they again pressed forward, 
and thus the Confusion continued & encreased till we 
came to the Advanc’d guard of the French, the savages 
still carrying away Officers, privates. Women and Chil- 
dren, some of which latter they kill’d & scalpt iii the 
road This horrid scene of blood and slaughtei obliged 
our officers to apply to the Officers of the French Guard 
for protection, which they refus’d & told them they 
must take to the woods and shift for themselves which 
manv did, and in all probability many perish’t in the 
woods, many got into Fort Edwaid that day and others 
daily Continued coming in, but vastly fatigued with 
their former hardships added to this last, which thiew 
several of them into Deliriums.” 

ArinnAViT of Miles Whitwoktu, Sueoeon of the Masbaohusetts 
Eboimbst, takfn BEroRE GovEnwon Po-wnale 17 Got. 1767, 

PuUvi Record Office (Extract ) 

“ Being duly sworn on tho Holy Evangelists doth de- 
clare . . , that there were also seventeen Men of tlie 
Massachusetts Eegiment wounded unable to March 
under his immediate Care in the Intrenched Camp, that 
according to the Capitulation he did deliver them over 
to the French Surgeon on the ninth of August at two in 
the Afternoon . . . that the French Surgeon received 



lihem into liis Cnstodj and plaoed Centinals of the 
French Troops upon the said seventeen wounded. That 
the French Surgeon going away to the French Camp, the 
said Miles Whitworth continued with the said wounded 
Men till five o’Clock on the Morn of the tenth of August, 
That the Centinals were taken off and that he the said 
Whitworth saw the French Indians about 6 O’Clook in 
the Morn of the 10th of August dragg the said seventeen 
wounded men out of their Hutts, Murder them with 
their Tomohawks and scalp them. That the French 
Troops posted round the Imes were not further than 
forty feet from the Hutts where the said wounded Men 
lay, that several Canadian Officers particularly one La* 
come were present and that none, either Officer or 
Soldier, protected the said wounded Men. 

“Miles Whitwobth. 

Sworn htforo me T PowHALL." 



The French accounts of the battle at Ticonderoga are 
very numerous, and consist of letters and despatches of 
Montcalm, Ldvis, Bougainville, Doreil, and other officers, 
besides several anonymous narratives, one of which was 
printed in pamphlet form at the time. Translations of 
many of them may be found in W. F. Colonial Docu- 
ments, X. There are, however, various others preserved 
in the archives of the War and Marine Departments at 
Pans which have not seen the light. I have carefully 
examined and collated them all. The English accounts 
are by no means so numerous or so minute. Among 



those not already cited, may be mentioned a letter of 
Colonel Woolsey of the New York provincials, and two 
letters from Biitisli officers written ]iist after the battle 
and enclosed in a letter from Alexander Golden to Major 
Halkett, 17 July. (Boiiquet and IlakUmand Papers ) 
The I'lench greatly exaggerated the force of the 
English and their losses in the battle. They place the 
former at from twenty thousand to thirty-one thousand, 
and the latter at from four thousand to six tiioiisand. 
Prisoners taken at the end of the battle told them that 
the English had lost four thousand, — a statement which 
they readily accepted, though the prisoners could have 
known little more about the matter than they them- 
selves. And these figures were easily magnified. The 
number of dead lying before the lines is variously given 
at from eight hundred to three thousand. Montcalm him- 
self, who was somewhat elated by his victory, gives this 
last number in one of his letters, though he elsewhere says 
two thousand; while Ldvis, in his Journal de la Guerre, 
says “about eight hundred.” The truth is that no 
pains were taken to ascertain the exact number, which, 
by the English returns, was a little above five hundred, 
the total of killed, wounded, and missing being nineteen 
hundred and forty-four. A friend of Knox, writing to 
him from Port Edward three weeks after the battle, 
gives a tabular statement which shows nineteen hundred 
and fifty in all, or six more than the official report. As 
the name of every officer killed or wounded, with the 
corps to which he belonged, was published at the time 
(London Magattine, 1768), it is extiemely unlikely that 
the official return was falsified. Abercrombie’s letter to 
Pitt, of July 12, says that he retreated “ with the loss of 
four hundred and sixty-four regulars killed, twenty-nine 
missing, eleven hundred and seventeen wounded; and 



eighly-seven provincials tilled, eight missing, and two 
hundred and thirty-nine wounded, officers of both in- 
cluded.” In a letter to Viscount Barrington, of the 
same date (Public Eeoord Office), Abercrombie encloses 
a full detail of losses, regiment by regiment and com- 
pany by company, being a total of nineteen hundred and 
forty-five Several of the Preneh writers state correctly 
that about fourteen thousand men (including reserves) 
were engaged in the attack; but they add erroneously 
that there were thirteen thousand more at the Palls. 
In fact, there was only a small provincial regiment left 
there, and a battalion of the New York regiment, under 
Colonel Woolsey, at the lauding. 

A LEGmrn of Ticondbbooa. — Mention has been 
made of the death of Major Duncan Campbell of Inver- 
awe. The following family tradition relating to it was 
told me in 1878 by the late Dean Stanley, to whom I am 
also indebted for various papers on the subject, including 
a letter from James Campbell, Esq., the present laird of 
Inverawe, and great-nephew of the hero of the tale. 
The same story is told, in an amplified form and with 
some variations, in the Legendary Tales of the Highlands 
of Sir Thomas Dick Lauder. As related by Dean Stanley 
and approved by Mr. Campbell, it is this : — 

The ancient castle of Inverawe stands by the banks 
of the Awe, in the midst of the wild and picturesque 
scenery of the western Highlands. Late one evening, 
before the middle of the last century, as the laird, Duncan 
Campbell, sat alone in the old hall, there was a lopd 
knocking at the gate ; and, opening it, he saw a stranger, 
with torn clothing and kilt besmeared with blood, who . 
m a breathless voice begged for asylum. He went on to 



say that he had killed a man in a fray, and that the 
pursuers were at his heels. Campbell promised to 
shelter him. “ Svrear on your dirk I ” said the stranger ; 
and Campbell swore. He then led him to a secret recess 
in the depths of the castle. Scarcely was he hidden 
when again there was a loud knocking at the gate, and 
two armed men appeared. “Your cousin Donald has 
been murdered, and we are looking for the murderer 1 ” 
Campbell, remembering his oath, professed to hare no 
knowledge of the fugitive ; and the men went on their 
way. The laird, in great agitation, lay down to rest in 
a large dark room, where at length he fell asleep. Wak- 
ing suddenly in bewilderment and terror, he saw the 
ghost of the murdered Donald standing by his bedside, 
and heard a hollow voice pronounce the words : “ Inver- 
(me/ Inverawe/ Hood has been shed. Shield not the 
murderer I ” In the morning Campbell went to the hid- 
ing-plaoe of the guilty man and told him that he could 
harbor him no longer. “ You have sworn on your dirk ' ” 
he replied *, and the laird of Inverawe, greatly perplexed 
and troubled, made a compromise between conflicting 
duties, promised not to betray his guest, led him to the 
neighboring mountain, and hid him in a cave. 

In the next night, as he lay tossing in feverish slum- 
bers, the same steru voice awoke him, the ghost of his 
cousin Donald stood again at his bedside, and again he 
heard the same appalling words: “Inverawe! Inver- 
awe I blood has been shed. Shield not the murderer I ” 
At break of day he hastened, ui strange agitation, to the 
cave; but it was empty, the stranger was gone. At 
night, as he strove in vain to sleep, the vision appeared 
once more, ghastly pale, but less stern of aspect than 
before. “Farewell, Jnveraws it said; “Farmett, till 
we meet at TIOONDFBOQA I ” 



The strange name dwelt m Campbell’s memory. He 
had joined the Black Watch, or Forty-second Begiment, 
then employed in keeping order in the turbulent High- 
lands In tune he became its major ; and, a year or two 
after the war broke out, he went with it to Ameiica. 
Here, to his horror, he learned that it was ordered to 
the attack of Tioonderoga. His story was well known 
among his brother officers They combined among them- 
selres to disarm his fears ; and when they reached the 
fatal spot they told him on the ere of the battle, “ This 
18 not Tioonderoga; we are not there yet; this is Fort 
Qeorge.” But m the morning he came to them with 
haggard looks. “ I have seen him 1 You have deceived 
me < He came to my tent last night 1 This is Ticon- 
deroga I 1 shall die to-day I ” and his prediction was 

Such is the tradition. The indisputable facts are that 
Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, his arm shattered 
by a bullet, was carried to Fort Edward, where, after 
amputation, he died and was buried. (Abercrombie to 
Pitt, 19 August, 1768 ) The stone that marks his grave 
may still be seen, with this inscription: “ Here lyes the 
Body of Duncan CampbeU of Inverawe, Esf*, Major to 
the old Highland Begvment, aged 55 Tears, who died the 
17“ July, 1768, of the Wounds he received in the Attach 
of the Metrenohment of Tioonderoga or Carrdlon, on the 
8“ July, 1768.” 

His son, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell, was severely 
wounded at the same time, but reached Scotland alive, 
and died in Q-lasgow. 

Mr. Campbell, the present Inverawe, in the letter men- 
tioned above, says that forty-five years ago he knew an 



old man whose gtandfather was foster-brother to the 
slain major of the foity-eecond, and who told him the 
following story while oaiiying a salmon for him to an 
mn near Inverawe. The old man’s grandfather was 
sleeping with his son, then a lad, in the same room, but 
in another bed. This son, father of the nairator, was 
awakened,” to borrow the words of Mr. Campbell, "by 
some unaccustomed sound, and behold there was a bright 
light in the room, and he saw a figure, in full Highland 
legimentals, cross over the room and stoop down over 
his father’s bed and give him a kiss. He was too fright- 
ened to speak, but put his head under his coverlet and 
went to sleep. Once more he was roused in like manner, 
and saw the same sight. In the morning he spoke to 
his father about it, who told him that it was Macdon- 
nochie [the Gaelio patronymio of the laird of Inverawe] 
whom ho had seen, and who came to tell him that he 
had been killed m a great battle in America. 8nre 
enough, said my informant, it was on the very day that 
the battle of Ticonderoga was fought and the laird was 

It is also said that two ladies of the family of Inver- 
awe saw a battle in the clouds, in which the shadowy 
forms of Highland warriors were plainly to be descried ; 
and that when the fatal news came from America, it 
was found that the time of the vision answered exactly 
to that of the battle in which the head of the family fell. 

The legend of Inverawe has within a few years found 
its way into an English magazine, and it has also been 
excellently told in the Atlantia Monthly of September of 
this year, 1884, by Miss 0 E Gordon Gumming. Her 
version differs a little from that given above from the 
recital of Dean Stanley and the present laird of Inverawe, 
but the essential points are the Same. Miss Gordon 



Oamming, howeTer, is in error ^hen she says that Dan< 
can Campbell was wounded in the breast, and that he 
was first buried at Ticonderoga. His burial-place was 
near Fort Edward, where he died, and where his remains 
still lie, though not at the same spot, as they were long 
after removed by a family named Gilchrist, who claimed 
kinship with the Campbells of Inverawe. 



PoBox or TBB Pbbnob aks Enousb at TB2 SncoB or Qdbbso. 

“Leb retranchemens quo ]’avois fait tracer depnis la 
tivi&re St. Charles jusqu’au saut Montmorency furent 
oooiipds par plus de 14,000 hommes, 200 cavaliers dont je 
formal un corps aux ordres de M. de la Eochebeaucour, 
environ 1,000 sauvages Abenakis et des diffdrentes na- 
tions du nord des pays d’en haut. M. de Boish^bert 
arriva ensuite aveo les Acadiens et sauvages qu’il avoit 
rassemblds. Je rdglai la garnison de Qudbec k 2,000 
hommes.” Ytmdrmil av, Ministre, S Oot. 1769. 

The commissary Berniers says that the whole force 
was about fifteen thousand men, besides Indians, which 
is less than the number given by Vaudreuil. 

Bigot says: ‘‘Nous avions 13,000 hommes et millek 
1,200 sauvages, sans compter 2,000 hommes de garnison 
dans la ville.” Bigot au Miniatra, 25 Oot. 1769. 

The Hartwell Journal du SiSge says • “ II fut ddoidd 
qu’on ne laisseroit dans la place que 1,200 hommes, et 
que tout le leste marcheroit au camp, oh I’on oomptoit 


se trourer plus de 1£,000 homines, y oompris les 

Eigaud, Vaudreuil’s brother, writing from Montreal to 
Bonrlamaqne on the 23(1 of June, says : “ Je compte que 
I’armde cample sous Qudbeo sera de 17,000 hoiumes bien 
effectifs, sans les sauvages.” He then gives a list of 
Indians who have joined the army, or are on the way, 
amounting to thirteen hundred. 

At the end of June Wolfe had about eight thousand 
SIX hundred effective soldiers. Of these the ten battal- 
ions, commonly mentioned as regiments, supplied six 
thousand four hundred; detached grenadiers from Louis- 
bourg, three hundred ; artillery, three hundred , rangers, 
four hundred, light infantry, two hundred, marines, 
one thousand. The complement of the battalions was 
in some oases seven hundred and in others one thousand 
(Knox, ii. 26) ; but their actual strength varied from 
five hundred to eight hundred, except the Highlanders, 
who mustered eleven hundred, their ranks being more 
than full. Fraser, in liis Journal of the Siege, gives a 
tabular view of the whole At the end of the campaign 
Ldvis reckons the rcmainmg English troops at about six 
thousand {Livis au Mmistre, 10 Nov. 1769), which 
answers to the report of General Murray: “The tioops 
will amount to six thousand ” {Murray to Pitt, 12 Oct. 
1769) The precise number is given in tlio Return of 
the State of His Majesty’s Forces l^t in Garrison at 
Qudieo, dated 12 Oct. 1769, and signed, Eobert Monckton 
(Public Eeoord Office, America and West Ridies, xoix.). 
This shows the total of rank and file to have been 6,214, 
which the addition of officers, sergeants, and drummers 
raises to about seven thousand, besides 171 artillerymen. 





One of the moat important unpublished documents on 
Wolfe’s operations against Quebec is the long and elab- 
orate Journal mimoratif de ee qut s’est passe de plus 
remarquable pendant qu'a dure le Stige de la Ville de 
Quebec (Archives de la Marine). The writer, M. de 
Eoligny, was a naval officer who during the siege com- 
manded one of the principal batteries of the town. 
The official correspondence of Vaudreuil for 1759 (Ar- 
chives Rationales) gives the events of the time from his 
point of view , and various manuscript letters of Bigot, 
Ldvis, Montreuil, and others (Archives de la Marine, 
Archives de la Guerre) give additional paiticulars. 
The letters, generally private and confidential, written 
to Bourlamacjue by Montcalm, Ldvis, Vaudreuil, Malar- 
tic, Berniers, and others during the siege contain much, 
that is curious and interesting. 

Si^ge de QuSbeo en 1769, (Baprbs un Manuscrit dlpose 
h la BibliothSque de Saiinoell en Angleterre A very 
valuable diaiy, by a citizen of Quebec, it was brought 
fiom England in 1834 by the Hon. D. B. Viger, and a 
few copies were printed at Quebec in 1836 Journal 
tenu h PArmee que commandoit feu M. le Marquis de 
Montcalm. A minute diary of an officer under Montcalm 
(printed by the Quebec Historical Society). Mimoire 
sur la Campagm de 1769, par M. de Jownnbs, Major de 
Quebec (Archives de la Guerre) Lettres et Beptches de 
Montcalm (Ibid.). These touch chiefiy the antecedents 
of the siege. Mimoires sur le Ccmada depuis 1749 



jtuqu’a 1760 (Quebec Historical Society). Journal du 
Siege de Quebec en 1759, par M. Jean Claude Panel, 
notatre (Ibid.). The writer of this diary was in Quebec 
at the time. Several other journals and letters of per. 
sons present at the siege have been printed by the Quebec 
Historical Society, under the title J^vinements de la 
Guerre en Canada durant les Annies 1759 et 1760, 
Relation de ee qui s’eat passe au SUge de Quibec, par une 
Religieuse de VHipitaL Giniral de Quebec (Quebec His- 
torical Society), ffugement impaHial sur les Opirations 
enilitaires de la Cempagne,par de Pontbriaiid, J^otque 
de Quebec (Ibid.) Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec, 
from the Journal of a French Officer on board the Cheitine 
Frigate, taken by His Majesty’s Ship Mppon, by Richard 
Gardiner, JEsq., Captain of Marines in the Rippon, 
London, 1761. 

General Wolfe’s Instructions to Young Officers, Phila- 
delphia, 1778. This title is misleading, the book being 
a collection of military orders. General Orders in 
Wolfe’s Army (Quebec Historical Society). This collec- 
tion is much more full than the foregoing, so far as 
concerns the campaign of 1759. Letters of Wolfe (in 
Wright’s Wolfe), Despatches of Wolfe, Saunders, Monch- 
ton, amd Tovmshend (in contemporary magazines). A 
Short Authentic Account of the Fxpedition against Que- 
bec, by a Volunteer upon that Expedition, Quebec, 1872. 
This valuable diary is ascribed to James Thompson, a 
volunteer under Wolfe, who died at Quebec in 1830 at 
the age of ninety-eight, alter holding for many years the 
position of overseer of works in the Engineer Depart- 
ment Another manuscnpt, for the most part identical 
with this, was found a few years ago among old papers 
in the ofdce of the Royal Engineers at Quebec. Journal 
of the Expedition on the River St. Lamence. Two 



entirely distinct diaries bear tbis name. One is printed 
in the New York Mercury for December, 1769; the 
other was found among the papers of George Alsopp, 
secretary to Sir Guy Caileton, who served under Wolfe 
(Quebec Historical Society). Johnstone, A Dialogue in 
Hades (Ibid.). The Scotch Jacobite, Chevalier John- 
stone, as aide-de-camp to Levis, and afterwards to 
Montcalm, had great opportunities of acquiring informa- 
tion during the campaign ; and the results, though pro- 
duced in the fanciful foim of a dialogue between the 
ghosts of Wolfe and Montcalm, are of substantial his- 
torical value The Dialogue is followed by a plain 
personal narrative. Eraser, Journal of the Siege of 
Quelee (Ibid). Eiaser was an officer in the Seventy- 
eighth Highlanders. Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by 
a Gentleman in an JShninent Station on the Spot, Dublin, 
1769. Journal of the Fartieular Transactions during 
the Siege of Quebec (Notes and Queiies, xx.). The writer 
was a soldier or non-commissioned officer, serving in the 
light infantry 

Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec and Total Reduction 
of Canada, by John Johnson, Gl&rk and Quarter-master 
Sergeant to the Fifty-eighth Regiment, A manuscript 
of 176 pages, written when Johnson was a pensioner at 
Chelsea (England). The handwriting is exceedingly 
neat and clear; and the style, though often grandilo- 
quent, 18 creditable to a writer in his station This 
cunous production was found among the papers of 
Thomas McDonough, Esq., formerly British Consul at 
liofaton, and ;s in possession of his grandson, my rela- 
tive, George Francis Paikinan, Esq , who, by inquiries 
at the Chelsea Hospital, learned that Johnson was still 
living lu 1802 

I have read and collated with extreme care all the 
\oL in — 19 


above authonties, vitix others wMcli need not be 

Among several manuscript maps and plans showing 
the operations o£ the siege may be mentioned one en- 
titled, Plan of the Town and Basin of Quebeo and Part 
of the Adjacent Country, shewing theprinc%pal Mmmyp- 
ments and Works of the British Army commanded by 
Major Qenf Wolfe, and those of the French Army by 
Lieut. Gen’’ the Marquis of Montcalm. It is the work of 
three engineers of Wolfe’s army, and is on a scale of 
eight hundred feet to an inch. A facsimile from the orig- 
inal in possession of the Boyal Engineers is before me. 

Among the “King’s Maps,” British Museum (oxix 
27), IS a very large colored plan of operations at Quebeo 
in 1769, 1760, superbly executed in minute detail. 



Beath and Burial of Montcalm, — Johnstone, who had 
every means of knowing the facts, says that Montcalm 
was earned after his wound to the house of the surgeon 
Ainoux. Yet it is not quite certain that ho died there. 
According to Knox, hia death took place at the General 
Hospital ; according to the modern author of the Urau- 
Unes de Quebec, at the Gh&teau St. -Louis. But the Gen- 
eral Hospital was a mile out of the town, and in 
momentary danger of capture by the English , while the 
Chateau had been made untenable by the batteries of 
Point Levi, being immediately exposed to their fire. 
Neither of these places was one to which the dying 



gd&eral was likely to be removed, and it is probable that 
be was suffered to die in peaoe at tbe house of the 

It has beer said that the story of the burial of Mont* 
calm in a grave partially formed by the explosion of a 
bomb, rests only on the assertion in his epitaph, com- 
posed in 1761 by the Academy of Insciiptions at the 
instance of Bougainville. There is, however, other 
evidence of the fact. The naval captain Foligny, writing 
on the spot at the time of the burial, says in his Diary, 
under date of September 14 . “A huit hemes du soir, 
dans I’dglise des Ursulines, fut enterrd dans une fosse 
faite sous la chairepor Ze travail de la Bomhe, M. le 
Marquis de Montcalm, ddcddd du matin k 4 heures aprhs 
avoir re^u tous les Sacrements. Jamais Gdndral u’avoit 
dtd plus aimd de sa troupe et plus universellement re- 
gretW. n dtoit d’un esprit supdrieur, doux, gracieux, 
affable, familier d, tout le monde, ce qui lui avoit fait 
gagner la confiance de toute la Colonie : reqwiescat in 

The author of Les Ursulines de Quebec “Tin des 
pro]eotileB ayant fait une large ouverture dans le plancher 
de bas, on en proffta pour creuser la fosse du g^ndral." 

The Boston Post Boy and Advertiser, in its issue of 
Deo. 3, 1759, contains a letter from an officer of dis- 
tinction ” at Quebec to Messrs. Green and Bussell, pro- 
prietors of the newspaper. This letter contains the 
following words " He [^MontoahnJ died the nJfxt day ; 
and, with a little Improvement, one of our 13-inoh Shell- 
Holes served him for a Grave.” 

The particulars of bis burial are from the Acte Mortu- 
aire du Marquis de Montoalm in the registers of the 
Church of Notre Dame de Qudbec, and from that valuable 
chronicle, Lee Ursulines de Quibee, composed by the 



Superior of the convent. A nun of the sisterhood, M^re 
Aimable Dubd de Saint-Ignaoe, was, when a child, a 
Iritness of the scene, and preserved a vivid memory of 
it to the age of eighty-one. 



Stbbitoth or xhs 'Fsmcn jlsv English jlt tbs 
Battlb or Sxm.-FoT. 

In the Public Record Office {America and West Indies, 
xcix.) are preserved the tabular returns of the garrison 
of Quebec for 1769, 1760, sent by Murray to the War 
Office. They show the exact condition of each regi- 
ment, in all rants, for every month of the autumn, 
winter, and spring. The return made out on the 24th 
of April, four days before the battle, shows that the 
total number of rank and file, exclusive of non-commis- 
sioned offlceia and drummers, was 6,808, of whom 2,612 
were fit for duty in Quebec, and 664 at other places in 
Canada; that is, at Ste.-Eoy, Old Lorette, and the other 
outposts. This gives a tot^of 3,266 rank and file tit for 
duty at or near Quebec; besides which there were be- 
tween one hundred and two hundred artillerymen, and a 
company of rangers. This was Murray’s whole available 
force at the time. Of the rest of the 6,808 who appear 
in the return, 2,299 were invalids at Quebec, and 669 
in New York ; 638 were on service in Halifax and New 
York, and 36 weie absent on furlough. These figures 
nearly answer to the condensed statement of Eraser, and 
confirm the various English statements of the numbers 



that took part in the battle ; namely, 3,140 (Knox), 8,000 
(John Johnson), 3,111, and elsewhere, in round numbers, 
3,000 (Murray). Ldvis, with natural exaggeration, says 
4,000, Three or four hundred were left in Quebec to 
guard the walls when the rest marched out. 

I have been thus particular because a Canadian writer, 
Garneau, says . “Murray sortit de la ville le 28 au matin 
4 la t^te de toute la garnison, dont les seules troupes de 
la ligne comptaient encore 7,714 combattants, non com- 
pris les offlciers.” To prove this, he cites the pay-roll of 
the garrison ; which, in fact, corresponds to the returns 
of the same ^te, if non-commissioned ofS.cers, drummers, 
and artillerymen are counted with the rank and file. But 
Garneau falls into a double error. He assumes, first, 
that there were no men on the sick list; and secondly, 
that there were none absent from Quebec ; when in reality, 
as the returns show, considerably more than half were 
in one or the other of these categories The pay-rolls 
were made out at the headquarters of each corps, and 
always included the entire number of men enlisted in it, 
whether sick or well, present or absent. On the same 
fallacious premises Garneau aflELrms that Wolfe, at the 
battle on the Plains of Abraham, had eight thousand 
soldiers, or a little less than double his actual force. 

Having stated, as above, that Murray marched out of 
Quebec with at least 7,714 effective troops, Garneau, not 
very consistently, goes on to say that he advanced against 
Ldvis with six thousand or seven thousand men; and he 
adds that the two armies were about equal, because 
Xidvis had left some detachments behind to guard his 
boats and artillery. The number of the French, after 
they had all reached the field, was, in truth, about seven 
thousand ; at the beginning of the fight it seems not to 
have exceeded five thousand. The Melation de la secovde 



BaiaiUe de Quibee says : " Notre petite axm4e oonsistoit 
an moment de Vaetion en 3,000 houiraes de troupes regimes 
et 2,000 Ganadiens on sauvages.” A large number of 
Canadians came up from Sillery while the affair went 
on ; aud as the whole French army, except the detach- 
ments mentioned by Gameau, had passed the night at 
no greater distance from the field than Ste.-Foy and 
Sillery, the last man must have reached it before the 
firing was half over. 



Ajbbmakib, the, i 26 , in the Ohio 
Talley, i 43, ]oin the French 
againat the Englieh, i 159, at 
Quebec, ni 285 

Ahenakis Chiietiane, the, ii 198. 

Abenakia of Batiacan, the, n 58 

Abenakis of Becanconr, the, at 
Hontcalm’a grand council, u. 

Ahenakis of Missisqui,the, at Mont- 
calm’s grand council, u 1 74. 

Abenakis of Fanaouski, the, held 
responsible for the signal of 
butchery at Fort VTiUiam Henry, 
ii 203 

Abenakis of the Penobscot, the, at 
Montcalm’s grand council, 11 174. 

Abenakis of St Franiis, the, at 
Fort Buquesne, i 216 , li 58, 
168 ; at Montcalm’s grand coun- 
cil, 11 174, Amherst sends an 
embassy to, iii 93 ; Bogers sent 
to pumsb, ni. 93, 95 , description 
of. 111 96 

Abercrombie, General James, sent 
to America, ii 70 , letter from 
Shirley to, ii 81 , on Bradstreet’s 
Fight, 11 83 , at Albany, ii 86 , 
correspondence of, ii 88 ; causes 
ruinous delay in taking control 
of the troops, ii 107 , his letter 
of thanks to the rangers, ii 133 ; 
succeeds Loudon, ii 253 ; Am- 

herst unable to co-operate with, 
u 281 , re]oicea over the fall 
. of Lonisbourg, ii 282 , rein 
forced by Amherst, ii 285, 286 , 
Massachusetts raises men for, 
u 291 , gathers his forces to 
march against Tieonderoga, ii 
292 , hiB camp at Lake George, 
u 294, little mure than nominal 
commander, ii 295, estimates 
of, 11 . 295, bis advance, li 299 , 
his loss m the death of Howe, 
fa 304, reaches the Falls, ii 
305, 306, describes the defences 
at Tieonderoga, 11 307, a missed 
opportnmty,ii 309, bis blunders, 
11 309 , assaults Tieonderoga, ri 
311, 312, 313 , his retreat, ri. 
316, lus losses, ii 317, his pol- 
troonery after the battle, ii 321 ; 
indignation at, ir 322 , Cleave- 
land's interview with, ii 324 ; 
his force diminished, ii 328 , ii. 
331 ; learns that Fort Frontenac 
had passed into British hands, 
u 334 , consents to Bradstreet's 
expedition, ii 335, joined by- 
Amherst at Lake George, fa 
337 ; breaks camp, ii 337 , ii 
366, in 4, 5, 80, 82, on the 
losses at Ticonderoga,iii 280,281 
Abercrombie, James (nephew), 
letter from Dinwiddie to, t 171 ; 



on the conduct ot the rangera, 
h. 133. 

Abraham, brother of Chief Ilon- 
drick, at the Albany convention, 
1. 181. 

Abraham, the Ileighta of, Wolfe’a 
plan to climb, m 126 , Wolfe’s 
ascent of, ui 130, 131 , the line 
of battle, in. 133 j ui. 287 

Abiaham, Maltro, iti 132. 

Abraliam, the Flams of, lit 41,103, 
119,128, description of, lU 182, 
111 136, 141, 148, 149, 172, 203, 

Academy of Inscriptions, the, ib. 

A.cadia, population of, i. 23, the 
French of, i. 31 , melancholy 
interest in the conflict in, i 94 , 
conquered by General Nichol- 
son, i. 94 i transfen.'ed by France 
to England,! 95 , English power 
in, i. 96, the French never re- 
conciled to the loss of, 1 97, 
mildness of British rule in, i, 
100 , French and English inter- 
pretations of the boundaries of, 
1 . 128, 129 ; as defined by the 
commission of De Monn, i 
128 ; Shirley’s project to purge 
French influence from, i 243; 
condition of, i. 244, its posses- 
sion necessary to the French, 
1. 246 , harbors of, i 246 ; all in 
British hands, i 262 ; expuleion 
of the Acadians from, i. 281- 
296 ; lost past hope to England, 
b. 14, ui, 18; France renonnces 
her claims to, ui 261. 

Acadian clergy, the, see Acadian 

Acadian enterprise, the, Monckton 
in eommand of, i. 201. 

Acadian pnests, the, i. 98; use 
then influence to prevent the 

Acadians from takiug the oath 
of allegianco, 1 110, LeLoatre’s 
masteiful dooliiigs with, i. 119; 
necessary to the Acadians, i 
269 ; always tho agent of a 
double-hoadud foipign power, 
i. 269 ; the cauao of tho misery 
of the Acadians, i 275 
Acadians, the, swoai bdolify to 
England, i 99; work of the 
French prioats among, i 96; 
number of, i. 98 , the six princi- 
pal paiishes of, i. 98 ; priests of, 
1 . 98 , well need by the Enghsh, 
i 99; enjoyed liberty of re- 
ligion, 1 100; their hostilities 
against the English, i 101 , fur- 
ther oaths of allegiance required 
of, 1 . 101 ; send deputies to Hali- 
fax, i, 101 ; refuse to take the 
required oath, i 102, encour- 
aged by the French to seek 
asylum on French soil, i, 103 , 
ovU advisors, i. 105, kept by 
Le Iioutre in allegiance to King 
Louis, i. 109 , emigration to 
French territory of, i 113 ; their 
misery, i 114, forbearance of 
Cornwallis towards, i. 116, Hop- 
son’s considerato treatment of, 
1 117 , Lo Lontre a despot 
towards,! 118; the first foictble 
removal of, 1 . 121 ; Le Loutre’s 
harshness to, i 126 , La Jon- 
qnibre commands them to take 
the oath of allegiance to France, 
1 . 126 , gionnd between the two 
powers, i. 126; complaints of, 
1 127 , threatened by Le Lontre, 
i 127, 244; total emigration 
of, i 244; position of, i. 246- 
247 ; Le Lontie claims to have 
led them from the land of 
bondage, i. 252 ; deplorable con- 
dition of, i 252 ; threatened by 



Le Ijoutre, i 253 ; send deputies 
to Bnquesne, i 354, their re- 
ception, 1 254 , heartlessness of 
the dealings of the French ivith, 
i 254, remain m fear and tacit 
latiou, 1 254 , a Leaseiefas annoy- 
ance and menace to the English, 

1 254 , Monckton determines to 
remove, i 263 , oideied to meet 
Monckton at Beansejour, i 264 , 
Monckton’s conditions, i 264- 
266 , motives of Montkton's stem 
sentence upon, i 265 , relations 
of the Bishop of Quebec tinth, 

1 263 , an enemy in the heart of 
the protince, i 267, an ideal 
picture of, 1 268 , their manner 
of living, 1 268 , their dwellings, 
j. 268 ; a litigious race, l 269 , 
their need of the curd, i 269 , 
Lawience exacts an unqualified 
oath of allegiance from, i 270 , 
present a memorial to the gov- 
ernor, i 271 j reply to, i 271, 
272 ; refuse to take the oath, 
i. 273 , Lawrence determined to 
reduce them to compbauce, i 
273, motives of their conduct, 
1 275 , the priests the cause of 
the misery of, i. 276 , Monckton 
oidered to seize, i, 276 , 'Wins- 
low issues a summons to, i. 281 , 
the scene in the church, i 282, 
283 , declared prisoners of the 
King, i. 284, taken on board 
ship, i, 287 ; the embarkation, 
i 239 ; WinsloVs humane treat- 
ment of, i 260, the number tians- 
ported,! 290, conjugal devotion 
of, 1 . 291 , their strength broken, 
I 292; disposition of, 1 292, then 
fate, 1 293 , fiist the tools, then 
the victims of the government 
of Louis X'V , 1 295 , at Louis- 
bourg, 11 . 271 , 111 . 9, 21 , Eng- 

lish treatment of, lii 266; to 
join the Indians against the 
English, 111 267 

Adams, Captain, i 259, at Fort 
Cumberland, s 277 ; at Fort 
Eduard, 1 2t0 262, i 267,291. 
Adams, a iv agontr, at l^rt Ly man, 

1 307 : death of, i 310 
“ Adams, Parson," i 9. 
Adiiondacks, the, ii 141 
Adolphus, 111 242 , on Granville’s 
reply to Pitt, iii 244 
Africa, coasts of, convulsed by 
the war between England and 
France, ii 39 , Biitish victories 
in, ii, 253, iii 247 
Aigues Moites, pestiferous dnn- 
geons of, I '24 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, i 11, 
22, 39, does nothing to settle 
the vexed question of bounda- 
iies, I 40 , 1 47, 99, 127 , u 46, 
258, lu 252, 

Akin, Mr, on the Acadian oath 
and Its history, i 275 
Alais, 11 144 

Albany, fortified town of, i 31, 86, 
65, 69 ; Indian commiseioners at, 
I 179, coniention at, i 179, i 
203, 241 , Johnson encamped 
near, i 300 , i 309 , Shirley at, 
li. 4 ; an outpost of civilization, 
u 4, Anne Mac'Vicar's iccol 
lections of, ii 4 , other aspects 
o^'u 5, fur-trade at, ii. 5; the 
principal base of military opera- 
tions on the continent, ii. 5, 
Shirley returns to, ii 12; Shii> 
ley’s headquarters, ii 71 , the 
New England troops muster at, 
n 71 , ii 81 ; Bradstreet at, ii 
83; Abercromhia and Webb at, 
u 86, London reaches, ii 87, 
the French plan to seize, ii. 102 , 
U 108,185, 206,297,299iS04,3S6. 



Albany Dutch traders, the, see 
Dutch of Albany, the. 

Alb, any plan of union, the, i 182 
Albany traders, the, lascality of, 

1 298 

Albemaile, Loid, Biitish minis- 
ter at Versailles, i 110, titular 
governor of Virginia, i 142, 
letters from Dinvriddie to, i 
184, 111 269, Chesteifield’s es- 
timate of, 1 187 , death of, i 
191 , sails against Havana, iii 
248, captures Has ana. Ill 248 
“Alcide," the, commanded by 
Captain Ilocquait, i 192, at 
tacked and captured by the 
" Dunkirk," 1 192, 193. 
Alembert, D’, i 18 
Alequippa,Qneen, of the Iroquois, 
1 . 49 , at the Great Meadons, 
1 157 

Alexander the Gieat, iii 255 
Alexandria, Fry at, i. 148, the 
King’s companies at, i 168 , 
firaddock at, i 198, the council 
of the provincial govornois at, 
1 199, 200, i 243. 256, 297. 
Algonquins, the, at Foit Fionte- 
nac, 1 78 , ]oin the French 
against the English, i 1 59 
Algonquins of Three Bivers, the, 
at Montcalm’s grand council, ii 

Algonquins of the Two Mountains, 
the, 11 58 , at Montcalm’s grand 
council, ii. 174 

Alleghanies, the, i 22, 23, 43, 45, 
130, 132, 150, 15.9, 167, 176, 
il 21, 58,387,341,346,319. 
Alleghany, the main, i 213 ; ii 
360, 361, 362, 367 
Alleghany Biver, the, i 42 , Bien- 
ville at, i, 46, 133, 136 ; Wash- 
mgton on, i 141 ; i, 148, 231 ; 

li. no. 111. 

Allen, Chief Justice, letter fiom 
Bouquet to, ii 370 

AUeu, Ensign, of Halket’s regi- 
ment, 1 208 

Allies, the, take Berlin, iii 236 

Alsupp, George, iii 289 

Amenta, owes much to the imbe- 
cility of Louis XV , 1 5 , French 
claims in, i 22, convulsed by 
the war between England and 
France, ii 39, rising Fiench 
colonies in, ii 42 

American boundaiies, the question 
of,i 128-132 

American squadron, the, Commo- 
doie Koppol m command of, i 

Ameiican States, the, owe a debt 
of gratitude to Shiiley and Din- 
widdle, 1 201 

Amhoist, General .Teffrey, placed 
in command of the Louisbourg 
expedition, ii 253 , sails foi Hal- 
ifax, 11 256, joins Bostiiwen at 
Halifax, 11 261 , recoimoitics at 
Louisbouig, 11 . 262; makes a 
landing, ii 266 , camp of, ii 266 , 
exchanges courtesies with Dru- 
coui, li 270, 11 276, Diucour 
asks for terms, ii 276, negotia- 
tions, 11 277-280; Drncour ao- 
ceptsthe articles of capitulation, 
ii 280; enteiB Louisbourg, ii, 

I 281; his courtesies to Madame 
Drncour, ii 281, unable to co- 
operate with Abercrombie, ii. 
281 , his coirespondence with 
Wolfe, II 286, 286, reinforces 
Abeicrombie, ii 286, Diucour’s 
correspondence with, ii 287 , 
joins Abercrombie at Lake 
George, 11 337 ; learns of Foibes’ 
success, li 370; iii 34, 36; to 
attack Ticonderoga, iii 38, 51, 
64, 111 54, resolves to capture 



Niagara, iii 77, piapares to 
lead the grand centr^ attack 
against Ticondeioga, Cruivn 
Point, and Montreal, m 78 , at 
Lake George, in 78 , his lores, 
111 78 , his advance, lii 79 , 
hnilds Port George, iii 79 , takes 
possession of Crown Point, iii 
82 , his delay in reinforcing 
WoUe, in 82, 83 , bmids a new 
foit at Crown Point, iii 83, 
builds other forts, iii 83, iii 
91 , his advance into Canada, 
in 93 ; sends an embassy to the 
Abenakis, iii 93, returns to 
Crown Point, iii 94, his mis- 
takes, in 95 , his instructions to 
Sogeis, 111 96, sends aid to 
Eogers, iii 99, in 103, 115, 
168, 177, 185, 204 ; plans a triple 
attack on Canada, iii 207, 212 ; 
gathers Ins aiiny at Oswogo, 
HI 215, at La PrJseatation, in, 

215 , captuies Puit Ldvis, in 

216, on the capture of Port 
Ldvis, 111 216 , the descent of 
the lapids, in 217, lands at 
La Chine, iit 217, Vaudreuil 
ofiers to capitulate, in 219 , ne- 
gotiations, lii 219, inexorable 
in his demands, lii 219, Vau- 
dreuil yields, in 220 , the terms 
of capitulation, iii. 220 , iii 223, 

Amherst, Lieutenant-Colonel 
(brother of the general), iii 82 , 
retakes St John’s, in 249 
Amheist’s regiment, at Quebec, 
ill 73 

Ainonoosuc, iii 99 
Anastase, the Huron chief, 1 216 
Anbury, the traveller, in 273 
Anglican Church, the, in New 
York, 1 35 
Anglicans, the, i, 31 

Annapohs, perplexity of English 
coininandeis at, i 95, feeble 
garrison, i 96, 97, i 98, 110, 
113, General Ligonier urges 
the defence of, i 184, English 
fort at, 1 247, i 250, Shuler’s 
force leaches, i 256, i 273, 
Major Handheld in command 
at, 1 276, 1 289 

Annapolis Siver, the, i 244, 247, 

Annapohs Eoyal, i 250. 

Anne, Port, ii 329 

Anse du Ponlon, iii 119, 121, 128, 
130, 139, 189, 192, 199 

Anson, the celebrated navigator, i. 
18b , first Lord of the Admiralty, 
u 296 

Anthonay, Lieutenant-Colonel D*, 
at Louisbourg, ii 277, 279 

“ Apollon,” the, at Louisbourg, ii. 

"Apostle of the Iroquois,” the, 
see Pujuet, AM 

Appleton, Nathaniel, rejoices over 
the fall of Canada, iii 226 

Apthorp, the Boston merchant, i 

Arbois, 111 275 

Arbuthnot, Captain William, on 
the Indian butchery at Port 
William Henry, ii 194 

Arcadia, i 268 

Aichibald, Sergeant James, it 1 09. 

“Ardthuse,” the, at Louiabouig, 
11 . 259, penlons position of, ii 
268, u 269,270, sent to Prance, 
« 271 

Argensou, B’, Prench minister of 
war, disregards Madame de 
Pompadour, i 17 , i 229 , ii 41 , 
appoints Montcalm general to re- 
place Bieskau, ii 42, 46 , ii. 249 

Argons, D’, letteis tiom Predeno 
of Prussia to, lii 234, 235, 



Amatrong, Ooloiial John, sent to 
attack Kittauiiing, ii 110, the 
attack, 11 1 11, 1 la , wounded, ii 
US, hia prisoners, ii 113, his 
report to Governoi Denny, ii 
113, in Torbes’ expedition 
against Fort Daqucsuo, ii 3b7 
Aruouville, Machanlt d', at the 
hood of the Marine and Colonial 
llopartmout, i 186 
Aiiiou'c, Surgeon, iii 152, 290 
Aitliui's Club, 1 9 
Aitilleiy Cove, n 187 
Aitois, the battalion of,ordeied to 
Canada, i 189, at Lonisbouig, 
11 54 , 11,259, 279 , uuifurm of, Ii 

Ashley, Dr , ii 327. 

Ashley, John, writes to Governor 
I’liips, 11 74 
Asia, 1 5 , 111 247, 

Atlantic coast, the, 1 22 
"Atlantic Monthly,” in. 284 
Attiquc, Delaware village of, Bien- 
ville at, 1 48 See also KtUan- 

Anbiy, snmnioned to Fouchot’s 
aid, ill 87 ; responds, ill 88 } 
defeated by Johnson, iii 90; 
captured by the English, lii. 90 
Angsbuig, Congress at, proposed 
by Choiseul, iii. 241 
Augusta, Fort, post at, ii 356 
" Auguste,” the, wreck of, hi 230, 

Angustus the Strong, King of 
Poland, 1, 12, 

Anlac, 1 263, 264. 

Anstria, the House of, power of, i. 
19, 1.21. 

Anstna, Louis XV allies himself 
to, 1 4 ; France is made the in- 
strument of, 11 40; 3oin8 Bussia 
and France against Frnssia, ii 
41, 243 , supremely Catholic, fa 

41; ill 246; signs the 'treaty of 
Iliibortsbnrg, iii 254 
Aastriau4, the, defeated in the 
battle of Plague, ii 244, take 
Silesia away from Frederic of 
Prussia, 11 245; defeated by 
Fiedoric of Prussia at Lenthen, 
11 215, flee before Fredenc of 
Piussia, 111 233 

Austrian Succession, War of, the, 

1 22 . 

Auxeiiois, the, regiment of, Mont- 
calm made colonel of, li. 45 
Averi , Ensign, in Bogers' expedi- 
tion, in 97, 99. 

Avon Biver, the, i 278. See also 
Pisiqmd Elver, f/ie. 

Babiolb, Madame de Pompap 
dour’s Slimmer house, u 40, con- 
ference at, li, 40 
Baby, a Canadian olflcer, i! 15 
Bagloy, Colonel Jonathan, in com- 
mand at Fort W illiam Henry, ii 

Bagley's Massachusetts regiment, 
u 282,322 

Baker, in the attack on Kittan- 
ning, II. Ill 

Bald Mountain, see Rogers Rock 
Barachois, the, at Louisbourg, li. 

268, 269, 270, 272 
Barbadoes, the, in 80 
Barnsley, Thomas, ii 331 
Barrd, Major, ii 251 ; at Quebec, 

ill 111. 

Bairington, Viscount, li 307, made 
Chancellor of the Exchequei, 
ui 239, 111 244, 281, 

Bartman, Captain, aide de-camp 
to Webb, li, 191 

Basin of Mines, the, i 98, 247, 
270, 274, 276, 277, 279, 287. 
Bnssignac, De, ii 313 
Bastille, the, i 17 jiii, 241 ; ui 231. 


80 S 

Bath, gaminfr at, i 9, 195 , Bies- 
kau at, I 322 , iii 29, 30 

Bath, Lady, 1 196 

Bath, Lord, in fa'vot of retaining 
Canada, iii 251. 

Batiscan, ii 58 , iii 177. 

Barniia, i 21 

Bar,iria, IClector of, i 21 , Franco 
siippoits the claims of, i 21 

“Baivhle,” ii 40 

Ba>e Verte, Le Loutre flees to, i 
261 , Fort Gaspereau at, i 262 , 

I 263, 264 

Bdarn, the battalion of, ordered to 
Canada, i 180, ii 65; nmfoim 
of, II 55 , II 60 , encamped be- 
fore Fort Niagara, ii 62 , m the 
expedition against Oswego, li, 
96, at Ticonderoga, 11 165,310, 
315 ; in Montcalm's expedition, 

II 180; at Montieal, ii 213; at 
Quebec, lii 72,135 146, ili 194 

Beatson, on the failure of the 
Louisbourg expedition, li 161 , 
on the arrogance of Fitt, iii 
241 ; on Pitt’s plan to humble 
the House of Bourbons, iii 243, 
on the capture of Havana, iii. 

Beaubassln, i 98 , occupied by the 
]<lugli<)h, i 120, description of, 
i. 120, Major Lawrence lands 
at, 1 121 , burned by Le Loutre, 
I 121. 

Beaubassin, Madams de, li 146. 

Beauchamp, a merchant, i 281 

Beanconr, La Hociie, ii. 146, iii 
275, 285 

Beauharnois, on the dwellings of 
the Acadians, i 268 

Beaujen, Captain, at Fort Du- 
qnesne, i 216, 218, 219, 220, 
death of, i 223 , iii 270, 271, 

Beauport, the heights of, iii, 54 

Beanport, the parish of, iii 42 43, 
63,55, 66, 67, 70, 72, 106, 107, 
110, 117, 125, 132, 134, 136, 137, 
142, 145, 147, 149, 151, 154, 155, 
156, 158 

Beanport Biier, the, iii, 42, 50, 
72, 118 

Beausdjour, Fort, bnilt by the 
French, i 125, attack planned 
upon, i 199, 200, Monckton 
ordered to capture, i 203 , the 
stiongest place m Acadia, i 
248 , a continual menace to tho 
English, 1 248 , Lawrence and 
Shirley plan against, i 240 , 
gairison of, i, 250 , location of, 
1 250, 251 , commanded by Ver- 
gor, t. 251 , a plagne-spot of 
official corruption, i 251 , Le 
Loutre at, i 252 , Thomas 
Fichon at, i 252, Monckton. 
before, i 257 , numbers of the 
French force in, i 237 , attacked 
by the English, i 258, little 
promise of a strong defence 
withm, 1 25') , enrrendeis to the 
English, I 260 , terms of capitu- 
lation, 1 . 260, confusion at, i 
261 , becomes Fort Cumberland, 
1 263 See also Cumbeiland, 

Beanbdjonr, the hill of, i 120; 
Boishdbert and La Come at, i 
120 , 1 . 123 , the French bnild 
a fort on, i 125 ; the Acadians 
at, 1 127,244; i 246, Shirley's 
expedition at, i 256 , i 263 , 
Monckton orders the Acadians 
to meet him at, i. 264 , i 2Tb , 
111 21, 33 

Beanssier, on the siege of Louis- 
bourg, li 287 

Beaver Creek, li 353 

Becauconr, M de, receives Father 
Piquet at Fort Niagara, i. 75, 



Bedford, Bulce of, letter from 
Governor Clinton to, i 65 , m 
239 , sent as onvoy to Pans, m 

Bedford, Fort, built by Bouquet, ii 

Bedford, town of, ii. 341 
Belcher, Governor, of Now Jersey, 
declaies war against the Delo- 
wnies and Shnwanoes, ii 80 
BelOtre, at Fort Fronteuac, i 78, 
sent by Vaudreuil to attack 
German Flats, ii 209 , exagger- 
ated reports of his campaign, ii 

Belknap, on the massacre at Fort 
William Henry, ii 199 
Bellamy, George Anne, the ac- 
tress, experience of Braddock 
with, i X97 

“Bollaston, Lady," i 9 
Bolleisle, tii 230, seized by the 
English, 111 247, restored to 
Franco, In 262 

Bolleisle, Maidcbal de, minister of 
wai,u 211, 220, Montcalm re- 
veals Bigot to, II, 239 j his letter 
to Montralin, in 16, 17; Hont- 
c.ilm’s reply, lii 17 
Bengal, in. 262 

Bennington, John Stark the hero 
of, 1 302 
Benott, 11 232 

Berkeley, Sir William, opposition 
to free education of, i. 32 
Berks (Penn ), ii 83 
Beilin, taken by the Allies, iii. 

Bernard, Gmemor, of Massachu- 
setts, proclaims a day of thanks- 
giving foi the fall of Canada, 
III, 223. 

Bernbs, at Ticonderoga, ii 309 
Bcrnctr, lii 92. 

Bernieis, the commissary, on the 

elation of the French over the 
repnlse of the English at Mont- 
morenci, in 102 , on Quebec 
after the eioge, in 173 , on 
Amherst’s expedition against 
Canada, iii 218, on the foice 

I of the French and English at 
Quebec, in. 285, on the battle 
of QueW, 111 287 

Berms, Abbd de, Mimstei of For- 
eign Affairs, 111 239 , loses the 
favoi of Madame de Pompadour, 
111 239 , supplanted by cWseul, 
111 239, 240 

Berryer, rebukes Bigot, ii 237, 
238 , gives Montcalm power over 
Yaudieml and Bigot, ii 240; 
Bougainville’s interview with, 
iii 14; lefuses aid to Canada, 
ui 15 , iii 170 

Berry's battalion, at Ticonderoga, 
11 294, 305, 306, 310, 311 

“Biche," the, at Louisbourg, n. 

Biddle, Edward, on the Indian 
massacres, ii 30 

"Bioiifaisiiiit,” the at Lomshmirg, 
II 259, 272; captured by the 
English, 11 274 

Bienville, Ccloron de, sent into 
the v.ille} of the Ohio, i 40 ; at 
the mouth of the Obwegalcliie, 
i 41, 66, reaches Niagara, i 41 ; 
the expedition, 1 41,42, at the 
Alleghany, i. 46; takes posses- 
Sion of the countiy foi France, i, 
46, 47 , at Attiqiid, i 48 , his let- 
ter to Governor Hamilton, i 48, 
journal of, i 48, 51, 59, 56, 66, 
at Iiogstown, i 49; addresses 
the Indians, i. 50 , at Wheeling 
Creek, i 61 ; buries plates, i 
51, at Scioto, 1 52; ascends the 
Miami, i. 53 , bids farewell to 
the Ohio, i. 64 , among the Mi- 



amisi i 54 , his interview with 
La Demoibelle, i 54, on Lake 
£ne, 1 55, at Fort fiontenac, 
i 55 ; at Montreal, i 55, 66 , 
visit* the Abbd Piquet, L 56, 
leaden plates of, i 66 , in com> 
mand at Detroit, i 81 , charac- 
teristics of, 1 . 81 , ordered to 
attack Pickawillany, i 86, La 
Jonquihre complains against, i 
86 , 1 89, 133 

Bigot, Fionfois, the mtendant, i 
69, ITather il^quet’s letter to, 
i 71 , on Toronto, i. 74 , i 81, 
82 ; the centre of official corrup- 
tion, 1 85; on the death of La 
Jonqniere, i 86; intrigues of, 

i 92 , assists the Acadians in 
resisting the English, i 105 , 
encourages the Indians against 
the English, i 107 , letter from 
Varin to, i 165 , i 219 , on the 
defeat of Biaddock, i 229 , Yen- 
gor a confedeiate of, i 251 , 
sails for Europe, i 251 , defends 
Veigor in the court-martial, i 
263, on Dieskan, i 300, his ac- 
count of the battle of Lake 
George, i 328 , on the Erench 
foice at Ports Prontenac and 
Niagara, ii 10, on the tioupes 
de la marine, ii 56 ; on the de- 
struction of Port Bull, li 62, 
at Montreal, ii, 63, the most 
accompbshed knave in Canada, 

ii 63 , on the capture of Oswego, 
11 103 , on the destruction of 
Eittanning, 11 114, ii 150,154; 
on the massacre at Port Wil- 
liam Henij, II 202 , on canni- 
balism among the Indians, u. 
208 , the centre of manifold cor- 
ruption, 11 221 , perfect harmony 
between Vaudrenil and, ii 222 , 
his early hfe, ii. 222 , a poity sf 

VOL. m — 20 

pleasme, ii 223-225 ; bis official 
residence, ii 225, his country- 
house, 11 225, 226, mokes Ca- 
det commiEsary-geneidl, ii 226 , 
his official knavery, ii. 227-232 , 
becomes the accepted loier of 
Madame Pcan, ii 333, Yarin 
aspires to supplant him in the 
mtendancy.ii 234, defended by 
Vandreuil, ii 235 , issues prom- 
issory notes, 11 236, becoming 
a victim to the lapacity of his 
confedciates, ii 237 , ministe- 
rial rebukes, ii 237-239, ins 
knavery revealed to the mmistry 
by Montcalm, 11 239, Montcalm 
given powers over, ii 240, his 
thieving completely exposed, u 
241 ; breaks with Cadet, ii 241 ; 
documents of the trial of, u. 
241, u 360, figures as poace- 
makei between Montcalm and 
Vaudreuil, iii 6, Vaudieml’s 
eulc^} of. 111 38 , at Quebec, in. 
43 ; In es in luxury, iii 14 , in 
60, on Wolfe’s desperate plan, 
ill 116 , saves Vergor from dis- 
grace, ui 122, on the force of 
the English and Prench at the 
battle of Quebec, in 142, in 
147, on Bougainville's force, 
ni 149, assists Levis, in 158, 
111 164,167, on Amherst's e\]>c- 
dition against Canada, ni 215; 
airested, in 231 , his trial, ui 
232, hiB sentence, in 232, le- 
ceives instructions for the de- 
struction of Oswego, in 264, on 
the force of the Prench and 
Englioh at Quebec, iii 285 ; on 
tho battle of Quebec, ui 287. 
BiUe, u 327 
Bingham, Mr , i 236 
Bishop's Palace, the, at Quebec^ 
m 172. 



“ Birarre,” the, at Lomsbonrg, ri 

Blacklieath, iii 29 
BIa( k Hole of Calontta, the, u 251. 
Black Iluutor, the, see Jad,, Cap- 

Black Mountain, ii 117. 

Black Faint, ii. 258 
Black Kitlo, the, see Jack, Captain 
BUck Watch llegiment, the, iii 

Blanchard, Colonel, on the New 
llampahue legiment, i 301 , at 
Eoit Lyman, i 305 , Johnson 
sends warning to, i 307 
Blodget, Samuel, on Johnson’s 
aimy, i 312, on the battle of 
Lake George, i 317, 318, 328 
Blomedon, Cape, i 278, 279 
Bloody Fond, i 320 
“Bloody moinuig scout," the, i. 

Blue Bidge, the, li. 16 
Board of Trade and Flantation, 
the, Halifax at the head of, i. 

Bohomnu cam^iaign, the, Mont- 
calm m, 11 46 
Bois, Ahhc, 111 37, 153. 

Boishdbert, encourages the Aco- 
dians to seek asylum on Fiench 
soil, i 103 , letter fioin La Jon- 
qniere to, i 104 , neiit w ilh troops 
to Beausdioni, i 120; on the 
cause of the misery of the Acor 
dians, i. 275; attacks Major 
Frye, i 286 , tnol of, ii 241 ; 
111 . 9 ; at Louishourg, li 271 , 
ill 285 

Bollan, agent of Massachusetts, 
11. 292. 

Bolling, on the death of Braddock, 

I 234. 

Bolton, village of, li 180 
Bouavcntnie, county of, i, 131 

Bonaventuro, governor of Isle St 
Joan, on the Acadian emigia- 
tion, 1 114, on the misery of 
the Acadians, i 1 14 
Bond, 1 236 

Bonnocamp, Father, chaplain of 
Bienville’s expedition, i 42 , his 
journal, 1 42, 48, 54, 66 ; on the 
Indians, i 55, a Jesuit and a 
gieat mathematician, i 56; on 
Detroit, 1 80, his eatimate of 
Bienville, i 81 

Bonnechose, on Montcalm, ii 46. 
Boideanx, li 145, 227, 228 
Boideanx, the Farliament of, ii. 

Border settlements, the, Dumas 
sets on the western tribes to 
attack, ii 14, horrors of the 
attacks on, ii. 15, 16 
Bordoieis, the, petition the Penn- 
sylvania Assembly for protec- 
tion from the Indians, ii 25, 28 ; 
help refused, ii 31. 

I Boscawen, Admiral Edward, or- 
dered to iiitoicept the French 
expedition foi Canada, i 191 ; 
failiiro of his expedition, i 192; 
on the losses of the English, i. 
193 , sent to Louisbonrg, ii 254; 
sails for Halifax, ii 266 , at 
Halifax, ii 261 , sails into Ga- 
barns Bay, ii 262 , his deter- 
mination to land at Louishourg, 
li 262 ; Drneonr asks for terms, 
n 276; negotiations, ii 277-280, 
Drneonr accepts the aiticles of 
capitulation, ii 280, Dincour’s 
coriespondence with, ii 287 
Boston, the " General Court" at, 
i 28, 1 34; Monckton at, i. 
248, 254; Shirley’s legimeht 
mustered at, J 265, i. 276, 286 , 
Biitish troops assigned to, li. 
127 ; lejoices over the fall ,of 



XiOuigboQTg, ii 282; taxes in, 
u 291 , m 52. 

"Boston Evening Post,” i 258 j 
on the capture of Oswego, ii. 
103 , on Bigand’s attack on Fort 
William Henry, n 139 , on Lord 
Howe, h 297 , ii 326 , on the 
capture of Fort Froutenac, u 
338 , on Grant’s defeat, u. 363 , 
ui 85 , on the capture of Niag- 
ara, ill 91 ; on the sufferings of 
Bogers'g raugeis, m 101 , on 
Stevens, in 121 

“ Boston Garette,” on Eigaud’s at- 
tack on Fort VVilliom Heniy, ii 
139 , on the importance of Indian 
assistance, ii. 173, ii 334, on 
the capture of Fort Fronteuac, 
u 337 

"Boston News Letter,” 1 258, on 
Bigaud's attack on Fort William 
Henry, ii 189 , on Howe, ii. 297 , 

II 298, 300, on the capture of 
Fort Fioutenac, ii 333, on 
Grant’s defeat, li 363, 364, on 
the siege of Niagara, iii 87 

“Boston Post Boy,” on Stevens, 

III 121 

“Boston Post Boy and Adverti- 
ser,” on the burial of Montcalm, 
111. 291 

“Boston Weekly Advertiser,” on 
Grant’s defeat, ii 863 

Botwood, Sergeant Edward, killed 
at Quebec, iii 75 ; the author of 
“ Hot Stuff,” ill 76, 76, 

Bougainville, the celebrated navi- 
gatoi,i 293, on the suffenngs 
of the Acadians, i. 293, Mont- 
calm’s aide-de-camp, ii 47, Mont- 
calm’s fondness for, ii 49 , sketch 
of, 11 49 , sails for New France, 
ii 50 ; his ■jouinal, ii. 50 , on the 
Canadian militia, ii 57 , at Mont- 
leal, 11 63; on Bradstreet’s 

I Fight, ii 84; on the sanitary 
condition of Vilhers’ camp, ii. 
90, 11 95, in the attack on 
Oswego, ii 100, on the rapture 
of Oswego, 11 103, 11 109, on 
the destroLtiun of Kittaiimng, 
u 114, ]oms a ivai-part\, ii 
117, on Indian capiice, ii. 117, 
on Indian cruelty, ii 118; on 
tho perplexity of the French, ii 
125, on Indian divinations, ii 
125, 126, on the defeat of the 
longcis, 11 133 , on Bigaud’s at- 
tack on Fort Wilham Heniy, 
11 139, at Montieal, ii 142- 
144, on the rivalry between 
Montcalm and Vaudreuil, ii 
153, on the strength of La 
Motto’s fleet, li 161, among the 
Mission Indians, ii 164 , on the 
western Indian nations, ii 166, 
167 , on cannibalism among the 
Indians, ii 171 , on the capture 
of Colonel Parker’s foice b\ tho 
Indians, li. 172, on the import- 
ance of Indian assistance, ii. 
173, on Marin’s dash at Foit 
Edward, II 173, on Montcalm’s 
grand council, ii. 177 , on Mont- 
calm and the Indians before 
Fort William Henry, ii 189 , 
sent by Montcalm to Fort 
William Henry, n 192, on the 
efforts made by Montcalm to 
restrain the Indians from butch- 
ery, ii 195, 196 , sent to Mont- 
real, ii 196 ; on the indifference 
of the Canadian ofEcers, ii 198 , 
journal of, ii 202, on the re- 
sponsibility for the signal of 
butchery, ii 203, brings Vaii- 
dreml news of tho success on 
Lake George, ii 207 ; on the 
treatment of prisoners hv the 
Indians, li 207; on BelStre’s 



campaign, h. 210 , on the inhtt- 
nrnuity of the Indians, u 214; 
his at count of llogeis's fight, li 
220 , on the official knavery at 
Monlioal, ii 230, 231 , on the 
niahiilmiuistiatioii of Canada, u 
241 , on Vaiiilieairs plan to save 
Tkoiideioga, fi 292, slightly 
wounded at Ticondetoga, ii 
317 , on the Hncons of Loiette, 

II 853 , sent to make an appeal 
at Luiiit, 111 12, at Versailles, 

III 13 , made colonel and Cheva- 
lier of bt Louis, 111 14,hiBinteC' 
viewivith Borryei, lii 14, pie- 
senls four memoiials, iii 14, 
negotiates a matiimoniol tieaty, 
111 13, 13 , returns to Canada, n 
13, his letters to Madame de 
Saint- Vdian, ill 13; in 18,19, 
letters of, iii 20, brings neiis of 
the ISnglisli fleet ngaiiist Qnebeo, 
in 38, 39 , on the strength of the 
fortiess of Quebec, in 51 ; sent 
aipiiiist Muimy, in. 103 ; increase 
of ins force, in 119, headquarters 
of, lii. 120; deceived hv Wolfe, 
111 122, 128,’ lelnxes his iratch- 
fnlnesB, in 128, in 133; in the 
battle of Quebec, in 142; on 
the Ficnch reierses, in 148, 
his foico, ill. 149, III 150, letter 
from Levis to, iii 158; at Isle- 
anx-Noix, in 207, 213; attacked 
by the English, in. 21 4 ; abandons 
the island, in 214; crosses to 
Montreal, hi 218, negotiates 
with Amherst for capitulation, 
ill 219, ill 279, provides on epi- 
taph for Montcalm, iii, 291 

Bouquet, Lieutenant-Colonel Hen- 
ry, ii 127, 331 ; in the Royal 
American regiment, ii 341 ; in 
Forbes’ expedition against Fort 
Dnquesne, ii. 341 ; at Kaystown, 

11 . 341, 343 ; letters from Forbes 
to, li 343, 344, 345, 846, 348, 
351, 363, 365, 366 , builds Fort 
Bedford, ii 349, consents to 
Grant’s expedition, ii 359 , on 
Grant’s defeat, li 352, 363, h 
364, on the capture of Foit 
Duquesuo, 11 370 

Bouquet and Unldimaud Papers, 
the, 11 . 318, 372; in 260. 

Bonrbon, the House of, holds the 
thiee thrones of Fiance, Spain, 
and Naples, i 12, tiiumph of, 
1 . 12; claims the Ohio valley, i 
44, I 81, effort to mute the 
members of, iii 242 ; Pitt’s plan 
lor humbling, in. 243, 255 

Bourbon, Island of, owned by 
Fiance, i 12. 

Bonigogue, the battalion of, or- 
dered to Canada, i 184, at 
Lonisbourg, ii 65, 259 ; uniform 
of, n 56. 

Bourlamaque, Chevalier do, named 
third lu command to Montcalm, 
11 46 , at Blest, li 00, ni Canada, 
ii 59; letters from Montcalm to, 
i vlii, li 142, 143, 146, 146, 147, 
154, 211, 212, 214, ill. 8, 54, 118, 
276, at Ticonderoga, u. 166, 
294, 302, 305, 310; dangerously 
wounded, ii 317, 318, on tlie 
qnnircl between Montcalm and 
Vandreuil, lii 7; mailo briga- 
dier, in 14; iii. 20, oidcred to 
Ticonderoga, ni 86, 39 , letters 
from Valid] euil to, in. 54, 75, 
118; mokes no attempt to de- 
fend Ticonderoga, ni 80, at 
Isle-aox-Noix, iii, 92, letters 
from Ldvis to, in 95, 208, 216 ; 
retreat of, lii 108 ; iii 135, 139, 
148, 156, 157; letter from Ber- 
niers to, 111 173; on the battle 
of Ste Foy,iii.204; in command 



at Sorel, iii 210; iii 211 , half 
his force deserts, m 212, iii 
214, crosses to Montreal, ui 
218, 111 286, on the battle of 
Quebec, m 287 

Braddock, Ma 3 or-General Edward, 
defeat of, i 152, in cbief com- 
luauJ. of regiments sent to Vir- 
ginia, i 188 , secret orders to, i 
190, lands at Hampton, i 194, 
estimates of, i 19S, Walpole’s 
sketch of, 1 195, 196, 198, his 
experience with Mis Upton, i 

196 , his duel with Colonel Gum- 
ley, 1 196, made governor of 
Gibraltar,! 197; his experience 
with George Anne Bellamy, i 

197, question concerning his 
governorship at Gibraltar, i. 
197, fearlessness of, i 198, in 
the Coldstream Guards, i 198, 
at Alexandria, i 198, calls a 
council of provincial governors 
at Alexau^ia, i 198, lays his 
instructions before the council, 
1 201 , settles on a plan of cam- 
paign, 1 . 201 , to lead the expe- 
dition agamat Eort Duquesne, 
1 201 , urges the establishment 
of a generM fund, i 202 ; makes 
Johnson sole supeiuitendent of 
Indian aSairs, i 203 , a serious 
erior, i 203, apathy shown 
towards his expedition, i 204, 
chafed to fury, i. 205 , Eiankhn 
a powerful ally of, i 205 , Frank- 
lin visits the camp of, i 206, 
Frankhn enables him to begin 
his march, i 206, 207, reaches 
Will’s Creek, i 207; bis force, 
1 208 ; the Virginians find no 
faior with, i 208 , his lU humor, 
i 209 , his aides-de-camp, i 210 , 
despises the Indians, i 210; re- 
ceives the Indians at Fort Cum- 

berland, i. 211 ; receives Captain 
Jack coldly, i. 212, bis march, 
1 212, 213 , on the Monongahela, 
1 214, crosses the Monongahela, 

I 220, attacked by the French 
and Indians, i 223; the battle 
of Monongahela, i 224 , his 
mdignation at the Virginians' 
method of flghtmg, i 225, 226 , 
his fierce intrepidity, i 227 , his 
losses, 1 227, sees that all is 
lost, 1 228 , orders a retreat, i 
228, wounded, i 228, the re- 
treat, 1 232 , bums his wagons 
and ammunition, i 233, death 
of, 1 234; bnriM of, i 234, i, 
243, approves of Shirley's ex- 
pedition against Crown Point, 
I. 297 , his dead soldiers left to 
the wolves, i 328 ; his expedition 
superfluous, ii 3, result of his 
defeat on the Indians, ii 15 , the 
Quakers consider his defeat a 
just judgment, ii 25 , ii 70 , his 
defeat an Indian victoiy, II 102, 

II 342, 343, 368, 370, in 228, 
271 , Langlade the author of bis 
defeat, iii 273 

Braddock, Fanny, death of, i 195 , 
Goldsmith tells the stoiy of^ i. 

Bradstreet, Lieutenant-Colonel 
John, on the Kingoia expedi- 
tion, ii 12 , placed in command 
of Shirley's company of boat- 
men, 11 81 , attacked by ViUieis, 
u 81 , defeats the French, li 
62, 83, reaches Albany, ii 83, 
Wolfe praises the conduct of, 
fa 83, his success temporarily 
silences the enemies of Shirley, 
II 84 , with Abercionihie, ii 299, 
305 , at Ticondeioga, ii 311 , his 
exjiodition against Fort Fionte- 
nac, u 333 , De Hoy an surreu- 



derstOjii 335; if 364 , to advance 
to liake Uutaiio, lu. 38 
Bradatieet’s boatiiieii, ii 81 ; at- 
tacked by Vilheis, ii 81 ; defeat 
the Eteuch, ii 82, 83, sent to 
leiiiforce Oswego, ii tl3 
BraudeubiiTg, llunse of, laises 
FrasSia into importuico, i 19 
Bicaid, naval comptiollei at Qiie 
bee, II. 227 ; ofheial knaieiy of, 
11 227 ; tiiai of, 11 241 , artested 
and tiled, iii 231 

Brest, 1 189, 190, 299, Montcalm 
at, li. 48, 49 

Breton, Cape, lestoied by England, 
i 5 , the French of, i 31 , i 95 , 
Maillaid missionary on, 1. 110; 
Acadian emigration to, i 113, 
• 244, need of winter commum 
cation between Quebec and, i 
128; 1 185, 246, 270, 274; ii. 
257, 262; ni. 231; ceded to 
England, iil 252. 

“ Biitaiinia,’' the, ii 237 
British Acadia, i. 244 
Biitish-Ameiican colonies, the, fu- 
ture greatness of, in. 169, 170, 
begin to show symptoms of re- 
volt, iii. 2b0 

Brilisli Cabinet, the, holf-heaited 
in the wish that the colonies 
should unite, i, 177, urges trea- 
ties with the Indians, i 178 
Biitish colonics, the, subiection of 
Canada would lead to a levolt 
of, i 5 ; 1 , 24 ; diffeiences among, 
1 27, 28 ; then attitude towards 
each otliei, i 36, diiftmg into 
war, 1 . 38 , heterogeneous stiuc- 
tuie of, 1 . 65 , debt due Governor 
Diuwiddie horn, i 142; mged 
by the British Cabinet to make 
treaties with the Indians, i, 178, 
Franklin’s famous project of 
union,! 182; slaves in, i. 200; 

Shirley paints the dangers he 
sotting, I 200 ; debt of gratitude 
due to Shirley aud Uinwiddie 
from, i. 201 ; tlieii ready re 
spunse to Fitt’s appeal for men, 
II. 289 

Bntish maritime provinces, the, i. 

Biitibh navigation laws, li 291. 

Brittany, coast of, ii 252, 

Brodhead, Mi., i. vii. 

Bioglie, I 12 

Biookheld, the village of, iii 225, 

Brown, Lieutenant, at Lonisbourg, 
li. 265 , on the Heights of Abra- 
ham, iii. 140 

Buchannon, i 235, 236. 

Bnisson, the, Amherst descends, 
lii 217. 

Bnll, Foit, built by the English on 
Wood Cieek, li, bl ; Levy sent 
by Vandrenil against, ii 61; 
Shirley’s regiment at, ii 61 , 
frightful stiiigglo at, ii 61, 
destroyed by Lory, ii. 62 

Bullitt, Captain, in Grant’s expe- 
dition, li 361, 362. 

Buttes-iirHevea, lii. 134, 190, 192, 

Buid, Colonel James, of Viiginia, 
on the defeat of Broddock, i 
229, letter from Trent to, ii, 
28; ii 343, 346, 347, 348, 864. 

Durgesses, the House of, in Vir- 
ginia, Governor Dinwiddie’s dis- 
putes with, i. 143, 170; social 
sigmilcaiico of, i, 169, i. 241 , ii. 
16 SeB aiao Virginta Asicmbly, 

Burgoyne, Qeneinl John, ii. 308; 
iil 249; on Langlade, iii 273. 

Burke, on Wolfe, lu 111. 

Burke, Captain, escapes from the 
Indian massacre at Fort William 
Heniy, li 200. 



Burnaby, on 'Williamsburg, i 170 
Burned Camp, the, n 177, 179, 

Burney, Thomas, escapes from 
Pique Town, i 90 
Burton, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
wounded in the battle of Monon- 
gaheU, 1 226, leports on the 
state of the proiincial forces, 
n 88, on the pi ovincial camps, 
u 89, at Point Levi, ui 124, 
125, 132, on the Heights of 
Abraham, iii 133, 140 
Bury, Viscount, bungs charges 
against the colonies, ii 290 
Bugsy, M. de, sent as envoy to 
London, iii 241. 

Bute, Earl of, made Secretary of 
State, ill 239, declines to sup- 
port Pitt, lu 243 , holds powei 
after Pitt’s resignation, ill 244 , 
becomes Pirst Lord of the Treas- 
ury, 111 246 ; forced into a wai 
with Spam, ill 247 , feels the 
need of peace, iii 249, the 
Peace of Pans, iii 251 
Byng, Admiral, i. ^9, it 251 

Cadet, Joseph, ii. 222 , early life 
of, ii 226, made commissary- 
general by Bigot, li 226 ; his 
ofScial knavery, ii 227-230 , 
becomes the richest man in the 
colony, 11 229 , asks for a pat- 
ent of nobility, ii 235; Bigot 
breaks with, li 241 ; forced to 
disgorge, ii 241 , ui 9, 15 , his 
arrival at Quebec, m 39 ; 'Vau- 
dreuil’s praise of, ui, 40; lives 
in luxury at Quebec, in 44, 
111 . 164, 167, 203, arrested, iii. 
231 , his tiial, lii 231, 232 , his 
sentence, in 232 
Cahokia, i 44 

Caldwell, village of, ii 187, 192. 

I Calvin, i 30 

CambiB, the battalion of, at Louis- 
bouig, 11 259 
Cambndge, iii 226 
Campaign of 1744, the severe, 
Montcalm in, ii 45. 

Campbell, Lieutenant Alexander, 
on the Canadian ladies, ui 174 , 
lu 283 

Campbell, Major Cohn, i 237 
Campbell, Donald, murder of, iii. 

Campbell, Major Duncan, with 
Abercrombie, ii 299 , his death 
at Ticouderoga, ii 316 , m 283 , 
legend of. 111 281-285, bnnal 
of, m 283 

Campbell, James, lu 281 
Campbell, Captain John, on the 
defeat of Braddock, i 235, 236, 
at Ticoudeioga, ii 316 
Canada, apositionof great strength, 
1 i , Its conquest made possible 
by the fatuity of Louis 3CV and 
hiB Pompadour, i 4 , its posses- 
siou a question of diplomacy, 
1 4, its subjectiou would lead 
to a revolt of the British colo- 
nies, 1 5 , the key to a bound- 
less intenor, i 22, census in 
1754 of, 1 23 , made a citadel 
of the State religion, i 23 , 
had a vagor of her own, i, 25 , 
position of, 1 26 , Indian tubes 
of, 1 26, Prench claims to, i 
27, no popular legislatnie in, 
1 . SB, necessary as a barrier 
against English ambition, i 
40, Detroit the "Tonrsine and 
Beance ” of, i 80 ; the question 
of boundaries, i 129, Preucb 
oapelition fitted out for, i 189, 
Acadian exiles in, i 292, the 
troujiei de fa mat me the pocms- 
nent military establishment of, 



ji S') , nuitoil effective stiength 
ot the battiiliuiis in, u SS , the 
ciiluiiKil aitilloiy uf, 11 Cb , the 
militiii uf, II 56 , the Iiiiliaii 
bglitiiig fiiice of, 11 58, Mont 
ctUin's ]iii])icssiuu8 of, ii 59, 
60, iiiuht lie dcstiovod, ii 107j 
Muntieal the raihtaiy henit of, 
II 141, dn.ll goioiiiincul of, ii 
gil , the pioy of, 
11 2.34 , her deipoi'iite <iii.iiiei.vl 
coiiditiou, 11 23b, caid-niouey 
and oxlonnantea in, ii 236, peiil 
of, II 371 , dc]iloralile condition 
of. 111 11 , Prance refuses aid 
to. Ill 15, iiimoiB of an English 
attack on, iii lb, 17 , of 
Levis into, iii 206 j Amherst 
plans a triple attack on, iii 207 , 
passes to the British Crown, m 
220 , Louis XV rosponsililo for 
the loss ot. 111 228, exodus of 
loaders from, in 229 , the ques- 
tion of lestoiation to Prance, iii 
250 , coded to England, in 251. 
Canadian, the, charactenstics of, 
1 25 

Canadian artillery, the, ii 56 
Canadian Church, the, does not 
chock tho coiruplions m tho 
colony, 11 234 
Canadian Indinns, the, ii. 58. 
Canadian militia, tho, ii 56 ; de- 
Bciiption of, II 57 
Canadian missions, the, i 72 
Canadians, the, ofCondod by the 
lofty heanng of Duquesno, i. 60 ; 
* in the Ohio enterprise, i 93, 134 ; 
in tho battle of Monongahela, i 
223 , slight losses of, I 231 ; la- 
pacity of, i 293 , at Crown Point, 
1 307, 310,311, 316; i 316; m 
the battle of Lake George, i. 
318, 820, 324, at Port Pionte- 
nac, 11 10, at Port Niagara, ii 

10, guard Port Frontenac, ii. 
62; 11 81, condition of the 
camps of, II 90, in the atUck 
on OsMcgi), II 95, at I'lLondfi- 
oga, II 108, peisuade the In- 
dians to ]oiii a Will-party, ii 116, 

II 148, Vandieiiil’s loports on 
the valor of, ii lt8-150, in 
Montcalm's expodition, ii 178; 
nthuk Geiiiiaii Plats, ii 209, 
leiiifoice Hebecoiut, 11 216, at 
Loiiishouig, 11 271 , at Ticon- 
deiog.i, II 801 , iii 4, 6 ; discour- 
agement of, in 11, iit Quebec, 

III 88, 40, 43, 44, 65, 56, 68, 59, 

60, 72, 73, begin to deseit, in. 

61, b4, Wolfe’s piocliimation 
to, 111 65 , then disgust, in 65 , 
siiffoi from Wolfe’s scioiities, 
111 b7, in 95,104, 10b, 107, 108, 
122, 12.3, 124, 128, 132, 135, 187, 
138, 139, 11,3, 144, 143, 146, 153, 
167, 168, hofiipiidcd byMniray, 
in 17b, 111 183, 185, 18b, 187, 
190, at Sto-Poy, ni 195, 196, 
lu 206, 209 , Mniiny’s prucla- 
matinii to, in 211, Vaiidrenil 
issues a comitcr-proclainalion to, 
HI. 212 , doubly luinod, in 212 ; 
111 218,221 

Canadiiins of Gnspd, tho, in Mont- 
calm’s expedition, ii 180 

C<in,ird Bivoi, the, i 278, 282, tho Cbfllcau of, ii 42, 
Moiilcalin's family seat at, ii 
45, 47, 141 , iii. 8, 162 

Cannibidism, among the Indians, 
II 171,207, 208. 

CanBe.iu, feeble gariisou at, i 96 ; 
destroyed by the French, i, 

Canseaii, Strait of, Acadian emi- 
gration to, I 113. 

Cape Cod, sends Sliiiley aid 
against the French, i 255. 



Cape Tounnonte, moiutaui of, u! 
49, 48, 104 

“CapriLieux," the, at Louisbonrg, 
h 259, burned, u 272, Tour- 
TiUe commander of, ii 287 
Cap-Bouge, iii 50, 66, 70, 115, 
Bongaintille’e headquarters at, 
111 120, 111 122, 123, 126, 127, 
132, 148, 177, 189 
Cap-Bouge Birer, the, lu 187, 

Cnp-Santd, ii 224. 

Card-money, m Canada, ii 236 
CatiUon, 11 59, 119, 219, iii 20 
See also Ticonderoga 
Carillon, Port See Ticondetoga, 

Carleton, Colonel Guy, iii 30 , at 
Quebec, lii 66 ; lands at Fointe- 
anx-Tremhles, iit 66 , iii 289 
Carlisle, fiontier\illage of,i. 235 , 
u 343 , Forbes at, ii 344 
Carlas III, becomes King of Spam, 
111 242, negotiations between 
Choiseul and, ill 242 , the Fam- 
ily Compact, 111 242. 

Cailjle, on Frederic of Prussia, 
111 236 

Caiolmas, the, Dinwiddie asks for 
aid against the French from, i 

Carter, Colonel Charles, letter 
from Dinwiddle to, i 237 
Carter, London, ii 16 
Carteret, John, i 10 
Carthagena, the luckless attack 
on, 1 255. 

Cartier, Jacques, in 184 
Carver, Captain Jonathan, on the 
massacre at Fort WiUiam 
Henry, li 200, 208 
Cascades, the, Amherst descends, 
111 217 

Casgram, Abhd H B , on Dumas’ 
efiorts to temper the horrors of 

the border warfare, ii 15, on 
Quebec after the siege, iii, 173 ; 
on the expedition of Levis, iiL 

Castle William, British troops 
qnaitered at, ti. 128. 

Caswell, John, letter from Jona- 
than Caswell to, i 304 
Caswell, Jonathan, letter to John 
Caswell from, I 303 
Catawbas, the, Dinwiddie asks aid 
against the French from, 1 144; 
m Forbes’ expedition against 
Fort Duquesne, ii 347 
Cathedial, the, at Quebec, lii. 173 
Catheiine, of Bussia, in 246 
Cbughnawaga, an asylum for In- 
dians converted to the French, 
1 68, description of, i 68, li. 
58, 353 See also Semt St. 

Caughnawagas, the, i 26 
Caughnawagas of Sant St Loms, 
the, at Fort Duquesne, i 216 
Cavalier traditions, i 31 
Cayngas, the, i 66, 69 , u 78 
Cedais, the, Amherst descends, iix 

“Cdlhbre,” the, at Louiabonig, u 
259, set on fire by a bomb, ii 

Celoron, see Bienville, Cgloron de 
Celtic lush Catholics, the, in 
Pennsylvania, u 25 
“Centurion," the, i. 194, iii 71, 

Cerberus, Father Piquet’s dog, i 

" Chain-belt," of wampum, the, i 

Chalmers, i 84 

Chambly, abandoned by the 
Fiench, iii 214 
Chambly, Fort, ii 141. 

Chambord, i 12 



Champlain, Lake, i 4, S6, 199, 
Dieekau ordered to, i 300, i. 
305, 309 , 11 64, 86 , Montcalm 
on, 11 95, 11 106, lib, 123, 130, 
136, 141, 164, 165, 166, 294, 306, 
308, 310, 328; ill 18, 36, 80, 02, 
95, 96, 207, 208, 211 
Champs Elysdes, the, i 16 
Chandlei, Chaplain, on the delay 
at Foit Lyman, i 826 
Chaplains, the provincial, ii. 324. 
Chailebonrg, ii 226 , ui 108, 

Charleboorg, the mountain of, ii 

Chailes VI , of Austria, death of, 

1 21 

Charlestown, in 83. See also 
“JYumisj Four” 

Charlevoix, ii 47 ; his account of 
Quebec, 11 . 47 

Chaitioa, Fort, i 44, 80, 88. 
Chtlteau, the, at Quebec, iii. 201. 
Clidteau battery, the, at Quebec, 
hi 50 

Chdteau Bigot, li 226 
Chdtean Richer, tho parish of, 
burned by Wolfe, in 104, 105 
Chftteau, St Louis, the, lii. 290. 
Chfttelet at Paris, tho, ni 231. 
Chatham, Lady, in. 245 
Chaudiere, tho, i. 175, 191, 199; 
Shirley’s plan to make an in- 
road down, 11 . 68. 

Chautauqua Lake, i 42 i 

Chebucto, harbor of, i. 96. ! 

Chelsea (England), iii 289. | 

Chelsea Hospital, the, lu 289 
Cheibomg, ii 252 
Cheiokees, the, i 72, Dinwlddio 
asks for aid against tho Fionch 
from, 1 144 , u 155 , in Forbes' 
expedition against Fort Du- 
quesne, ii 347 ; in Piquet’s war- 
parly, m. 263, 

I Chester County (Penn ), ii 33. 
Chesterfield, Lord, i. 10; on Lord 
Albemaile, i. 187 , ii. 246 , on the 
gloomy prospects of England, 
11. 250 , 11 295 

“ Chbvre,” the, at Louisbourg, ii 

Chew, Ensign, ii 849 
Chickasaws, the, Dinwiddie asks 
for aid against the French from, 
1 144. 

Chignecto, 1 122, English fort at, 

I 248, 266 ; 1 289 
Chignecto Bay, i 98, 125 
Chignecto Channel, i 277 
Chmingud (on the Alleghany), i, 


Chiningud (of Cdloron), i 49; 
Gist reaches, i 57 , Washington 
at, i 138. 

Chinodahichotha Bivei, the, see 
Kanawha River, the 
Chipody, tho fertile shoies of, i. 
125; the Acadiaus on, l 125, 
127 , 1. 256, 263, 285 
Choate, J , on Biadstioet’s Fight, 

II 83 

Choctaws, tho, 1. 72, ii 155; in 
" Piquet’s war-party, lii 263 
Choiseul, Due do, made Minister 
of Foreign Aflairs, in. 240 ; char- 
acter of, ill 240, proposes a 
congress of belligoront powers 
at Augsburg, m. 241 , Pitt re- 
jects bis overtures, ill. 241 ; 
makes the “Family Compact” 
with Carlos III., in 242 , feels 
the need of peace, iii 249, on 
the pieseiice of tho French m 
America, lii, 250. 

Christ, Iioquois legend of, i 58; 
Father Piquet's mstruotion on, 
i 71. 

Christ Church, In Philadelphia, ii. 


Chnstian Indians, tlie, at Mont- 
calm’s gland conncil, li 176 
Christie, Captain, on the pamc 
among the English, ii 206 
Civil wars, the, in England, i. 7. 
Clare, i 294 

Claiene, a trader, ii 228 
Cleaveland, Miss Abby E , ii 324 
Cleaveland, Chaplain Ebenezer, ii 

Cleaveland, Chaplain John, ii. 
282, his indignation at Aber- 
crombie, 11 322, 323 ; his inter- 
view with Abercrombie, ii 324 ; 
u 327 , on the capture of Eort 
Frontenac, u. 335 
Clergy battery, the, at Quebec, 
111 50 

Clerk, at 'Ticonderoga, ii 309 
Clermont, Comte de, i. 12 , driven 
out of Hanover by Ferdinand, 
II, 252 , recalled, u 252 
Clinton, Governor, of New York, 
1 65 , letter from Johnson to, i, 
68; personally maintains Os- 
wego, 1 . 77 , correspondence be- 
tween La Jonqnihre and, i 83, 
84 , 1. 98. 

Clive, Lord, wins the groat victory 
ofFlassey, II 251 
Cobeqnid, i 98, Giraid at, i 111; 
emigration of the people of, i 

Cobeqnid, mountains of, i. 279, 

Cocquard, Eev Claude Godefroy, 
on the horrors of border war- 
fare, It 16, on Bradstreet's 
Fight, li. 84 , on the rapture of 
Oswego by the French, ii 100 
CofCen, Stephen, on the Ohio en- 
terprise, 1 136, 

Colbert, iii. 257 

Colden, Alexander, on the battle 
of Ticonderoga, ui 280. 


Coldfoot, the great Miami chief, L 

Coldstream Guards, the, Braddock 
in, i 198 

Colonial system, of England, the, 

1 6 

Colonists, the, description of, 1 
176 , two conditions essential 
to, 1 176 

" Comfete," the, at Lomsbonrg, ii 

Conewango Biver, the, i 46 

Condd, the great, i 12; in 24. 

Conflans, Admiral, routed by the 
English, 111 247 

Connecticut, colony of, i 28 ; sends 
commissioners to Albany, i 
65; ]Oina Shirley's expedition 
against Crown Point, i 297 , 
lealonsy of, i 301 , Parliament 
makes a grant to, ii. 69 , sacn- 
fices made by, ii 292 

Connecticut regiment, the, at Fort 
Lyman, 1 316,325, with Aber- 
crombie, li 299, 329, 330, 381. 

Connecticut Biver, the, i. 30, iii. 
83, 97, 99, 101 

Conner, James, an English scout, 
at the mins of Oswego, li 103 

Contades, succeeds Clermont, i 
12; 11 252 

Continental War, the, begun by 
Frederic of Prussia, li 243 , sup- 
ported by Pitt, iii 237 

ContreLOBUr, lands at Presqu’isle, 
i 149, sends Jumonville to scour 
the country, i 158, on Wash- 
mgton's attack on Jumonville, i 
156; his harangue to the In- 
dians at Fort Duquesne, 1 159, 
160,216; determines to ambus- 
cade the English, i 218, 219; 
on the battle of Monongahela, i 
223, 229, succeeded by Dumas 
in the command at Fort Dtt- 



quesne, ii 14, 15 j ii 117, pon- 
810 U aiked foi, »i 270 ; ui 271, 
270, leueives the urobs o£ the 
order of St Lonis, in 273 
Conway, General, letter ftom 
Walpole to, 111 204 
Coolc, the navigator, voyagoe of, 
iii 258 

Cope, Ma.]oi Jean-Baptiste, chief 
of Le Loutie’b mission, i 108 ; 
makes a tieaty at Halifax, i 
108, tienihoiy of, i. 109, 123 
Coihicie, II 172 
Cork, i 188 

Cornier, Madame, ii 143. 
Comwallia, Edwaid, goveinoi of 
Halifax, 1 . 97 , requires a new 
oath of allegiance from the 
Acadians, i 101 , receiree the 
Acadian deputies, i 102, his 
answei, i 102, i 108, 109, dis- 
ooveiH the work of the Eieiich 
piiests, 1 111 , hiB indignation, 
1 . Ill, Ins forhearance tow,iid 
the Acadians, i IIS; his ad- 
dresses to the Acadian deputies, 
1 117, offers a reward foi the 
head of Le Lontro, 1 119; i 268 
Coiiiwallis, Lord, i 97 
Corpron, official knavery of, u 
227, 284 , trial of, ii 241 , ai- 
rested and liied, ni 231 
Coiry, William, on the quaiiel 
over qnarleiing the troops, ii 

Cortland, manor of, 1 35 
Cosnan, Captain, at Quebec, in 63 
Cosne, De, see De Cosne 
CSteau dn Lac, the, Amherst de- 
scends, iii 217 
Cdto d'Abiabam, iii, 188. 

C8te Ste Genevibve, ui 144, 145, 
149, 188 

Coureurs de tots, the, at Detioit, 
hi, 17 ; at Quebec, lii 63 

Cimrscinc, Chovaliei de, at Louis- 
bonig, 11 279 , on the siege of 
Louisbonig, ii 287 
Cmuteinaiiclio, Canadian brigade 
of. 111 Aloiitcalm’s expedition, ii 

Courvol, lit Quebec, iii 89 
“ Coveiit Garden Tiagedy," Field- 
ing’s, I. 196 
Cox, 11 124 

Ciawfoid, Chaplain William, 
trials of, ii 91, 92 
Crcmille, i 190 

Cioghan, George, i, 45, at Hus- 
kiiigiim, 1 57 , on White Wo- 
man’s Clock, i 58 , among the 
Miamis, 1 60, lepoit of, i 61; 
journal of, i 63 ; Ins leport re- 
jected by the Pennsylvania As- 
sembly, 1 . 63 , sent to the 
Mingocs and the Delawares, i 
63, rowaid offeiodfoi the scalp 
of, 1 84 , accusations against, i 
85 , at Foil Cumboiland, i 211 
Clown Point, 1 26, 180, the key 
to Lake Champlain, i, 199, Eng- 
lish jilnns against, i 200, Wil- 
ham Johnson to lead the expe- 
dition against, 1 201, 202; 

throatoiis tho northern colonies, 
i. 296 , Shiiley's plan to attack, 
i. 296, the French piepaie to 
defend, i, 299 , Dieskan at, i 
307 , the expedition a failuie, i 
325, tho New Jersey regiment 
diverted by Shiiloy from, ii 12 , 
li 60, 6t, 65, Shirley’s new 
plan to attack, li 68, 69, 71, 86 ; 
11 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 
130, 141, 293 , iii 77 , Amherst 
plans an attack upon, in 78; 
Bonrlamaquo ordered by Vau- 
dreuil to abandon, iii 80 , Am- 
I heist takes possession of, iii 82 , 
I Amherst builds a new fort at. 



ill 83. 84. 92, 94; iu 97, 108, 
207 ; Eaviland at, ui 213 

Ciugei, mayor of New York, ii 

Crmksbank, Captain, u 326. 

Cnlloden, the fight of, the Stnarts 
receive their death-hloiv at, i. 8 , 
Bake of Cumberland at, i 10, 

I 22, 111 2S 

Camberland, i 107 

Cumberland, the shores of, i 277 

Cumberland County (Penn ), laid 

waste by the Indians, ii 30 

Cumberland, Duke of, at Cnlloden 
and Pontenoy, i 10, an indif- 
ferent soldier, i 186, i 188, 
203, 243, prejudiced against 
Shirley, 11 108; opposed to Fitt, 

II 246; the miscarriage of, ii. 
2S0, recalled m disgrace, ii 252 

Cumberland, Port, i 207 , descrip- 
tion of, 1 207, Croghan at, i 
211, Indians at, i. 211, Innes 
m command at, i 234 ; Buuhar 
arrives at, i 235 , Port Beausd- 
jour becomes, i 263 , the Aca- 
dians at, I 264 , TVmslow at, i 
277, 1 291 ; u 19, 17; Indian 
massacre near, li. 28 ; ii. 341 , 
Snox at, ill 21 ; St. Patnek's 
Bay at, iii 22 

Cummmg, Miss C. P Gordon, ui 

Cummings, Colonel, in command 
at Port William Heniy, ii, 321 

Cunningham, aide-de-camp to 
Aheruombie, ii. 321 

Bjiiins, on Bolfitre's campaign, ii 
211 , on the maladministration 
of Canada, ii 241 ; on Wolfe's 
victory. 111 143 , presents Bame- 
say with a petition for capitulat- 
ing, ui 156 

B’ Alembert^ see Alembert, B’. 

Ballmg, Major, sent to occupy 
Fort Pspagnol, u 284 ; at Que- 
bec, ui 68, sent agamst the 
French skirmishers, m, 181; at 
Ste-Poy, lu 193 

Balqmer, Bieutenant-Colonel, ul 
147, at Ste-Po), iii 194 
BalzeU, Captain, ii 329, 330. 
B’Anthonay, see Anthonay, B’. 
Bankers, ii 323 

Barby, Major, at Isle-anx-Noix, 
ui 214 

B’Argens, see Argent, B’ 
B’Argenson, see Argenson, ly 
B’AmonviUe, Machault, see Ar- 
nouviUe, Machault d‘ 

Baudin, priest at Pisiquid, on the 
idea of replacmg the French 
priests in Acadia, i 112; sent 
to Halifax, i 253 

Baun, the Austrian general, gams 
a partial victory ovei Frederic 
of Prussia, in 233 
"Bauphin,” the, i 192; escapes 
from the Fnglibh, i I S3 
Bauphin’s Bastion, the, at Lome- 
bourg, 11 260, 271, 275 
Bauphin’s Battery, the, at Quebec, 
m 50 

Bauphm’s Gate at Lonisbourg, ii 

Bavison, a trader, accompanies 
Washington as Indian mter- 
preter, i 138 
Bay, Mrs C M,m 101 
Be Bassignac, see Basngnae, Be 
Be Cosne, adnses Fnglond of the 
French preparations for Cana- 
dian expedition, i 191 
Beflance, Mount, ii 308, 309, 311. 
Be Gaspe, see OaspS, Be 
Bdjean, Montcalm’s servant, iL 

Belancey, Captain, lii 89 
Belaucey, Governor, of New York, 



1 , 14G , letter from Dinwiddle to, 
i. 168, answer of the Assembly 
to the appeal of, i 174 , his let- 
ters to the Lords of Tiado, i 
174 , Bummoued by Diaddock to 
Alexandria, i 199 , letter from 
Wiaxall to, 1 312 , I. 327 , takes 
umbrn^e at Shiiley, ii IS , joins 
hands with Jolitibon against 
Shirley, 11 Id, secures Shirley's 
removal, ii 70 ; letter fiom 
Webb to, 11 173, deals with a 
mutinous raihtia, ii. 206 
Delancey, Oliver, it 128. 

Delaware, colony of, i 86 
Delaware, George, leceivea Post; 
it. 353 

Delawoie Indians, the, in the Ohio 
valley, i 43 , village of, i 48 ; 
i. 49, bl , not hearty in the Eng- 
lish cause, 1 62 , Cioghau sent 
to, 1 . 63 , piofess devotion to the 
Eiench, i 136, invited to join 
the English, i 15.5, join the 
Eronch against the English, i. 
169, 160; i 210, sot on by 
Damns to attack the border 
settlements, 11 14; pledge tliem- 
selvcB to the English, li, 79 , 
Governoi Moms declares war 
against, ii 80; Governor Bel- 
oher declares war against, ii 
80, Eorbos tiies to win over, 
II 351 , wavering, ii 362 ; Post’s 
mission among, u 353-356 , 
attend the convention at Easton, 
il 356 , join the English, ii 369 
Delaware towns, the, Post at, iL 

Dcloche, in charge of the fliesliips 
at Quebec, in, 62, his nerves 
fail, lii 62 

Demoiselle, the, see La DemotaelU, 
De Monts, Acadian commission 
of, 1 . 128. 

Denmaik, royal house of, i 12 
Denny, Govemoi Armstrong’s re- 
port on the desti action of Eittan- 
niug to, 11 113, his attitude on 
Loudon’e demand for free quar- 
teis foi his troops, ii 127. 

De Noyan, see Noyan, Da 
Desandiouius, the engineer, on the 
captuie of Oswego, ii 103, at 
'riconderoga, ii 306 
Desamners, the Demoiselles, at 
Canghnawaga, i 68 
Doschombnult, at Montreal, 11 212 
Deschambanlt, Muriay at, iii 106 ; 
garrison of, iii 187, Dumas 
stationed at, iii. 207 
Deschamps, Chief Justice, ii. 288 
Deschenaux, ii 234 
Descoinblos, the engineer, ii. 95 ; 
death of, ii 97. 

Desgoiiltes, naval commander at 
Louisbourg, li 270, in council 
at Lonisbouig, li 276, Dm- 
coiir’s cociospoudonco with, li 

Dos Habitants lliver, the, i 278, 

Deshei biers, in command of Louis- 
bourg, 1 . 105 , advises the Aca- 
dians not to take the oath of 
olIegiauLo, 1 105 , letter from 
the minister to, i 106; engages 
Lo Loutre to distribute presents 
among the Indians, i. 107 ; i 

Desirade, the Island of, restored 
by England, iii 252 
Desmdloucs, Mademoiselle, see 
Petm, Madame, 

Des Moines Biver, the, ii, 174. 

De Soto, i, 27. 

Detroit, i 60 ; described by Bonne- 
camp, 1 80 ; the “ Touraine and 
Beauce of Canada,” i. 80 ; Bien- 
ville m command at, i. 81 j ef- 



forts to make it the centre of 
French power in the West, i, 
81 , L&y’e plan of, i 81 ; popu- 
lation of, 1 . 82 , smaJl-pox m, i 
88 , 1 89 , Langlade at, i 89 ; i 
217, 227 , ii 329, 350, 369 , in 
86, 90, 91, 208 

Detroit, Fort, important position 
of, 1 80; described by Bonne- 
camp, 1 80 ; 1 85, 86 

Detioit Indians, the, u 364. 

Detroit Biver, the, i 27 

Dettingen, victory of, i. 22, lu 
25, 237 

Devonshire, Duke of, ii 247 

“Dovourer of Villages," the, see 

Diamond, Cape, in 50, 54, 200 

"Diana," the, anives at Quebec, 
lu 202 

Diderot, i 18, 321, 322, 

DierdviUe, i 270. 

Dieskau, Baron, in command of 
the French troops sent to Can- 
ada, 1 189, sails from Brest, i 
299, ordered to Lake Cham- 
plain, 1 300, at Crown Point, 
i 307; prepaies a surprise for 
Johnson, i 307 , the Indians a 
source of annoyance to, i 308 , 
resolves to attack Fort Lyman, 
i 309; daring to rashness, i 
81 1 , the march against Johnson, 
i 31 1 ; lays an ambush for John- 
son, 1 313 , the attack, i. 314 ; 
retreat of the provincials, i 314 , 
m the battle of Lake George, i. 
316-320, wounded, 1 318; cap- 
tured by the English, i. 319; 
routed % the English, 1 319; 
protected by Johnson from the 
Indians, i 320; his escape, i 
321 ; his gratitude, i. 321 , sails 
for England, i 822 , Sewell on, 
I 322 , his death, i 322 , corre- 

spondence of, i 328; replaced 
by Montcalm, n. 42 , ii 47, 54, 
59, 63, 187, 294 

Dinwiddie, Governor, of Virginia, 
on the English fui-tradeis, i 
45, on the uuceitain owneiship 
of the Ohio valley, i 65, jeal- 
ously watchful of French ag- 
gression, 1 137, 142 , sends 
Washington to summon the 
French to withdraw from the 
Ohio, I 137 , forts built bj, i 
137 , his letter to Saint-Fiene, i 
139, 140, Samt-Fieire’s answer, 
1 140, Washington makes his 
report to, i 142 , sketch of, i 
112; unpopularity of, i, 142; 
debt due from the British colo- 
nies to, i 142, uiges the Vir- 
gmia Assembly to build foits 
on the Ohio, i 142, ordered by 
the King to repel invaders from 
Virginia, i 142, his disputes 
with the Ilouse of Burgesses, 
1 . 143, 170, 1 71 , unable to obey 
the instructions of the King, ji 
144, orders a draft from the 
militia, 1 144 ; places Washing- 
ton m command, i 144 , his 
appeals for help, i 144, 146 . 
appoints a rendezvous at Will's 
Creek, i 144 ; hie letter to Lord 
Fairfax, i 144 ; his instructions 
to Washington, i 144 , gams a 
frugal appropriation from the 
Assembly, i 145 ; his letters to 
the Lords of Trade, i 145, 165, 
168, 184 ; hib letters to Hanbury, 
i. 145, 149, his energy, i 146: 
invites the Indians to meet him 
at Winchester, i 146 , provin- 
cial apathy to his schemes, i. 
146, 147 , his vexation at the 
blighting of his plans, i 149 ; 
orders a rendezvous at Bedstone 



Creek, i ISO, rejoices at neivs 
of Washington’s success, i 150, 
161 i letteis from Uimllou to, 
i 154! highly approves o£ Wash- 
ington’s cumlnct, I 156, on the 
losses m the fight at Great 
Meadows, i. 165, Washington’s 
defeat a heavy blow to, i 168 ; 
on tl)o condition of the King’s 
companies from Now York, i 
168; letter from Junes to, i 
169 , letter to Governor Hamil- 
ton bom, i 171 , letter to Abei- 
ciomine from, i 171; attitude 
of, I 177; exasperated at tlio 
BUpmeuess of the provinces, i 
177, becoming more and more 
alarmed, i 183; his letter to 
Lord Granville, i 183, 184 , 
vexed by Governor Glon, i 
183, appeals to England for 
aid, I 183 , his letters to 
Al^marle, ITalifax, Kox, Ilol- 
dornesso, and Walpole, i 184 , 
on the arrival of Krnddock, i 
194, his letter to Govemoi 
Dobbs, i 164 , at Alexaudiia, 
i. 198 j in the front of opposition 
to Erencli designs, i SOI , debt 
of gratitude duo to, i. 901 ; on 
the defeat of Braddock, i SS9; 
Braddock’s defeat announced to, 
1 335 , letter from Orme to, 
1 337 ; hie letter to Colonel 
Carter, i. S37 ; his reply to 
Orme, I 339, his reply to Wash- 
ington, i 339 ; nrges Dunbar to 
wipe ont Braddock's defeat, i 

240, Dnnbai’s reply, i 340; his 
view of Dunbar’s conduct, i 

241 , letter from Governor Mor- 
ns to, ii. 9 ; ii 16 ; gives Wash- 
ington cold support, ii 17; 
soured by disappointment, ii 
17 , his friendship for Innes, ii. 

' 17, Washington protests against 

the lack of support to, ii 18, 
19; couceives a disliko to Wash- 
ington, li 339 ; on the death of 
Jnmoni illo, m 3bg, 

Diiiwiddie I’apois, the, i 144 , on 
Wasiiingtoii’s attack on Jumon- 
ville, 1 , 156 , on Dinwiddie’s 
appeal to England for aid, i 

Divination among the Indians, li 

Dobbs, Goiernor, of North Caro- 
lina, letter from Diiiwiddie to, 
1 194; summoned by Braddock 
to Alovandria, 1 198 

Dobson, Captain, i 238. 

Dog 'Iribe, the, i 72. 

Dominica, seized by the English, 
Ul 247,262 

Doi Chester, Lord, see Cmhton, 

Doieil, commissary of war, i 189; 
on the Erench losses in the battle 
of Lake George, i 323 ; bis ac- 
count of llogors’ fight, u 220; 
oil the mnlmlmiuistiation of 
Canada, ii 241 ; on Ahorcrom- 
bie’s missed opportunity, ii 309 ; 
Montcalm announces his victory 
to, ii 318; on the peril of Can- 
ada, ii 371 ; lii. 11 , sent to make 
an appeal at court, iii, 12, at 
VorsailleB, ih, 13 ; letters of, iii, 
20; lii, 270 

Donville, a Jfiench officer, u 15 , 
death of, ii 110 

Dover, iii 249, 

Draper, in 273 

Dresden, taken from Frederic of 
Prussia, lii, 234. 

Drowned Lands, the, i 309, 313, 

Drnconr, Chevalier de, governor 
of Louisbonrg, i 262, 286, 292 ; 
journal of, ii. 260 , prepares for 



defence, ii 261 , on the number 
of soldiers stationed at Feeah- 
watei Co\e, li 264, ii 268, 
defends the harbor, ii 269 , 
exchanges courtesies with Am- 
herst, 11 270, burning of his 
fleet, 11 272, conflagration in 
the citadel, ii 273, his deplor- 
able position, 11 274 , decides to 
capitulate, ii 276 , negotiations 
mth Boscawen and Amherst, 
11 277-280, lecenes a memo- 
rial from Prdvoat, ii 278 , signs 
the articles of capitulation, ii 
280, his diary of the siege of 
liOuishourg, 11 287 
Drucour, Madame, a woman of 
heroic spirit, ii 270, at £,ouis- 
bourg, 11 273 , Amherst’s coni- 
tesles to, 11 281. 

Diuillon, letters to Binwiddie 
from, 1 154 
" Dublin,” the, ii 266. 

Dublm, 111 30 

Du Boulay, Angdlique Louise Tar 
Ion, see Montcalm, Madams de 
Dubrowski, ii 242 
Du Cat la, iii 278 
Ducbat, Captam, on Ticonderoga, 
11 66 . 

Duchesnaye, li 224 
Dumas, tutor of Montcalm, ii 42 , 
his leport on his pupil, ii 43 
Dumas, Captain, at Port Du- 
quesne, i. 216, 218; in the bat- 
Ue of Monongahela, i 223, 224, 
229, replaces Contrecoeur in 
the command of Fort Duquesne, 
11 14 ; sets the western tribes to 
attack the bordei settlements, 
11 14, his leport on the re- 
sults, 11 15 , tries to temper the 
hoirois, 11 15, his report of 
the destrnction of Kittannmg, 
11 114, at (Jtnebec, iii 56, fail- 
TOI, 111 — 21 

ute of his night attacks, in 57, 
61 , sent to strengthen acces- 
sible points, lu 66, 70 , sta- 
tioned at Deschambanlt, iii 207 , 
lu 211, 271, 272, receives the 
cross of the order of St Louis, 
in 273 

Dumont, ui 192, 193, 194 
Dunbar, Colonel Thomas, in the 
battle of Monongahela, i 214, 
228, 232, 233, at the Great 
Meadows, i 234 , arrives at 
Foit Cumberland, i 235 , i 239, 
240, urged by Dinwiddic to 
wipe out Braddock’s defeat, i 
240, his reply, i 240 , views on 
the conduct of, i 241 , receives 
orders to renew offensive opera- 
tions, i 241 , his tardy response, 
1 242 , his unpardonable retreat, 
n 14 

Dunbar, Lieutenant, in Bogers' 
expedition, iii 09 
Dunbar’s legiment, i 208 
“ Dunkirk,” the, attacks the 
French fleet, i 192 
Dunkirk, the fortress of, iii 242 ; 
destroyed by the French, in 

“Dunkirk of Amenca," the, see 

Duquesne, Fort, built by the 
French, i 149, 153, 166, 158; 
receives strong remfoiccments, 
1 159 , Conlon de Villiers at, i 
159 ; ContreccEur harangues the 
Indians at, i 159, 160, i 165, 
ViUiers leturns exultant to, i 
167, English plans against, i. 
201, Braddock to lead the ex- 
pedition against, I 201, 1 213, 
214, location of, i, 215, de- 
scription of, 1 215 , garrison of, 
1 216, 11 10, Dumas succeeds 
Couticcoeni m the command at, 



ii. 14 , STiMey’fl plan to attack, 
11 68 , ilie attack abandoned, ii 
69, 11 110, Pitt’s plan to cap- 
ture, 11 . 264, 254 , Forbes’ expe- 
dition against, li 337 ) Ligneris 
m commaud at, ii 3.60, Foibes’ 
adranco against, ii 367, de- 
serted by the French, ii SbS, 
ii 371 , ill, 8, 77, 370 See also 

Daqnesne, Marquis, governor of 
Canada, i 44, the gieat naval 
commander, i 90, on tlie Abbd 
Piquet, 1 71, 1 88; receives 
the captive traders from Lang- 
lade, 1 90 , highly praises Lang- 
lade, 1 90, sketch of, i 90, 
on the attack on Fickawillany, 
i 90, pieparos to occupy the 
upper wateis of the Ohio, i 91 , 
the colonial minister not !n 
sympathy with, i. 9l ; exasper- 
ated by opposition, i 92, tlie 
Ohio enterprise, i 93, 133 ; his 
letter to Mann, i 134 , appoints 
Sain^Pletre to succeed M<uiu, 
I 136, hia plan for forts, i 136, 
his letter on the Ohio ontei- 
pnse, 1 136, 1 189; orderoii to 
destroy Fort Halifax, i. 190; 
seeks for a pretext to attack 
the English, i 248, supports 
Le Loutie, i, 252 , his lecoptiou 
of the Acadian deputies, i. 264 , 
recalled, i 299 , lestoros order 
in the Uoupta de la marine, u 
66, on the tioupes de la mat me, 
h 56 

Dniell, Admiral, m 32, 39 , ar- 
rives at Isle-anx-Coudrea, ui 
39,44, iil 46 

Durham Terrace, at Quebec, lu 

201 . 

Dnry, i 107 

Dussieux, on Washington’s attack 

on Jnmonville, i 166 ; ii 151 ; 
on the lesponsibihty fur the 
signal of butchery at Fort Wil- 
liam Henry, ii 203 , on the trial 
of Bigot aud his associates, iu 

Dutch, the, in Pennsylvaum, i, 33 ; 
in New Yoik, i 35 

Dutch boors, the, i 208 

Dutch Indian commissioners, the, 
at Albany, i 202, misconduct 
of, 1 202 

Dutch of Albany, the, i, 69 , alien- 
ate the Mohawks,! 178; ready 
to do anything to save then 
tiade, 1 200 , characteiistics of, 
li. 5 ; Shirley’s agents allied to, 
11 12, II 140 

Dutch Befoimed Church, the, in 
New Yoik, 1 36. 

Duvivier, Major, at Lomshourg, 
u 279. 

Dwight, Beujamiu, letter from 
Ephraim Williams to, 1 805, on 
the battle of Lake Gooigo, i. 
338, 329. 

East, the, tempest gathering m, 
1 94 

Eastbnrn, on the destruction of 
Furt Bull, ii b2. 

Easton, town of, ii 351 ; conven- 
tion held at, ii. 365, 370 

"Echo,” the, At Lonisbourg, il 
259 , sent to Quebec for aid, li. 
269 , captured by the English, 
il 269 

Edinburgh, the University of, ui 

Edwaid, Fort, Captain Alexander 
Murray in command at, i 278 , 
Winslow at, i 278 ; i 280, 282, 
285, 291, 305; name of Fort 
Lyman changed to, i 327, ii 
36, 75, Colonel Dand Woos- 


ter at, li 76 , Wiiislow’s com- 
mand at, 11 88 , desciiption ol 
the (Uimp at, ii 89, 90 , ii 94 , 
Loudon at, li 108, ii 1S9, UO, 
163 , Mann makes a dash at, 
II 173, General Webb at, ii 
184 , II 188, 194, 196, SOO. 201 , 
Johnson joins Webb at, ii 205, 
iiiiposMble foi Montcalm to be- 
sieire, II 207 , Captain Hai iland 
in command at, ii 215 , ii 217, 
218, 219, 328, 329, 381, ill 7, 
79, 276, 277, 278, 280, 283, 285 
EdWiiids, i 30 
Egmont, Cape, iii 34 
Egremont, Karl oi, letter from 
tho Count de Euentea to, iii 

Elder, John, on the Indian mos- 
eacres, ii 30 

Elizabeth of Russia, daughter of 
Peter the Gieal, i 20 , hei hatred 
for Frederic the Gieat, ii 89 , 
ready to attack Frederic, ii 243 , 
lu 236, 239 , death of, iii 245 
Elizabeth Castle, Le Loutre, con- 
fined in, i 261 

Emerson, Ml , of New Hampshire, 
11 327 

England, restores Cape Breton to 
France, i. 5, benefits derived 
fiom the Seven Years’ War, i 
5 , gams the mastery of North 
America and India, l, 6, her 
colonial system, i 6; reign of 
George II m, i 7 , civil wars 
and the Eestoration, i 7 , social 
aspect of, 1 8, 9; nobility of 
Franco compared with that of, 
1 . 13 , supports Austria against 
Havana, i 21 , France cedes 
Acadia to, i 95, the Acadians 
swear fidelity to, i 95 , restores 
Louisbourg to France, i 9b , the 
question of American bounds^ 


Ties between France and, i 128, 
Dinwiddle appeals lor aid to, i. 
181, militarv and naval strength 
of, 1 187 , weak m leadership, i 
187, policy of, 1 183, sends 
regiments to Virginia, i 188, 
mutual dissimnlal ion, i 190, 
Fiance admits that the Keuue- 
bee River belongs to, i 190, 
declares war against France, ii 

38 , France declares war against, 
11 38, always trembling for 
Hanover, ii 39, makes a de- 
fensive tieaty with Prussia, ii. 

39 , °ecl s a guarantee against 
France, ii 39 , a l^otcatant na- 
tion, 11 41 , makes common 
cause with Fredeiic of Prussia, 
11 243 , dragged into the Conti- 
nental War, 11 245, loses Mi- 
norca, ii 245 , the reins of power 
fall into the hands of Pitt, ii 
245, her gloomy prospects, ii 

250 , her successes m India, ii 

251 , rejoices m the successes of 
her Fmseian allies, ii 251 , re- 
ceives the news of the fall of 
Louisbourg with noisv rapture, 
11 281 , effect of the news of 
Wolfe’s victory and death in, 
in 168, 169, in the Inll career 
of success, lit 232 , declares war 
against Spam, iii 247 ; tempo- 
rary reverses m Newfoundland, 
ui 249 , French possessions ceded 
by the Peace of Pans to, in 
251 , effects of the Seven Yeare’ 
■War on, iii 257, 258 , mistress 
of tiie seas, in 258, her glorv 
m giving birth to the United 
States, m 258 , her Bntish- 
Amencan provinces show symp- 
toms of revolt. 111 260 

English, the, in Pennsylvania, i 
33 , in New York, i 34 , make 



a treaty with the Miamis, i 60 i | 
favoiable outlook iu tlio West 
foi, 1 63 , Eather I'lquet’s 
selieino to (liivo them from the 
Ohio, I 78; the Ohio luiliaiis 
rule willi, i 87 , on the Miami, 

1 88, the Acadiaiis well used 
by, 1 99 , La Juuiiuiuie the de- 
termined adveisary of, i 99 , 
hostilities of the Acadious 
against, 1 101 , opoupy Beau- 
bassiii, I ISO, the defeat at 
Eoit Necessity doubly disastrous 
to, 1 . 167 , cidl a convention at 
Alliaii}, 1 . 179, Chief flen- 
diick's speech, i 180, realize 
the impoitancB of union, i 181 ; 
Franklin’s famous project of 
union, 1 182, then peiil in 
Acadia, i 247 , Foit Beausejoui 
a continual menace to, i 248; 
Duqiiesne seeks foi a protevt to 
attack, 1 248; the Acodians a 
ceaseless annoyance and menace 
to, i 254, capture Boansdjonr, 

i 257-2bl , oil Acadia now m 
the hands of, i. 262 ; theii losses 
in the battle of Lake George, i 
823, 324, the Niagara expedi- 
tion, li 4; its failuro, ii 11, re- 
sults of the entire campaign, ii 
14 , Acadia lost to, ii 14 , John- 
son seeks to attach the Five Nn>- 
tions to the interest of, ii, 77 ; 
the Five Nations pledge them- 
selves to, ii. 78 , plan to attack 
Lonisbourg, li 157 , their delays, 

ii 167. 

English colonies, the, 1 28; rea- 
sons for the success of, i 28, 
more populous and wealthy than 
the Fnnch, i 132. 

English fur-traders, i. 40; wel 
corned by the savages of the 
Ohio, i. 45 , among the Shawa- 

noes, i 48 ; at Logstown, i 50 ; 
on the shoies of the Ohio, i 54, 
at Piquo Town, i 60 , among 
tho Miamis, i 81, accusations 
against, i So , sp<ire no pains to 
win over the Indiana, i 87 ; at 
Pu.k.i.\vill.iny, i. 88. 

English Indians, the, iii 220. 
English hind speculators, i 40 
Bnglisli of Oswego, the, i 56, 74 
Bnglisli laiigeis, ii 214 
Entick, 1 . 188, 191; on the en 
gagement between tho French 
and English fleets, i 193; on 
tho of Biaddock, i 229, 
on tho pressure brought to foice 
tho Pennsylvania Assembly to 
pass measures of war, ii 34 , on 
the dcstinction of Foit Bull, it 
62 , on the failure of the Louis- 
bourg oKpeditioii, li, 161 ; on 
the Biillsh naval officers, ii 255 ; 
on the Bi/e of tho English force 
III the Louislionig expedition, 
n 261 ; on Boscawen’s determi- 
nation to land at Lonisbourg, 
ii 262 , on the English landing 
at Lonisbomg, ii 266 , on the 
siege of Louisboiug, ii. 287 , on 
Ticondoroga, ii 314 , on Wolfe, 
ih 36; on the battle of Sto.- 
Foy, 111 205 ; on the onogance 
of Pitt, iii 241 ; on the capture 
of Havana, hi. 248. 

Eiie, Lake, i 41, 55, SO, 65, 98, 
137; ill, 90. 

Erie, town of, i, 93, 133 
Esopns, li. 109 

Espagnol, Fort, Major Dolling 
sent to occupy, ii. 284 
Espiuonse, Madame d', see Mont- 
I calm, Mademomlle de 
Esthhe, trial of, ii 241 
Esthve, Montcalm's secretary, ik 

INDEX. 326 

Etecbemin Biver, tlie, hi, 117 
Etechemins, the, i 26 
Eugene, Frmce, i 21 
Europe, tremlilmg with the com- 
ing earthquake, u 39 
European seas, the, English suc- 
cesses m, lu 247 

“ Entreprenant,” the, at Louis- 
bourg, 11 259 ; burned, ii, 272 
Eyre, Major, in the battle of Lake 
George, 1 317, takes possession 
of Fort William Henry, ii 127, 
128 ; on the strength of the gar- 
rison, 11 136, c^led upon by 
Bigaud to suriender, ii 137 , he 
refuses, ii 137, his leport to 
Loudon, u 139. 

FainnoK, on the wreok of the 
"Angasts ,'' 111 230 
Fairfax, Lord, letter from Din- 
widdie to, 1 144, note from 
Innes to, i 235, 237. 

Falmouth, Shirley at, 1 175 , Dies- 
kau at, i 822 See also Pmi- 

“Family Compact,” the, hi. 242, 
provisions of, hi 242. 

Faneuil Hall, m Boston, iii. 223 
Faubourg St. Germam, the, i 16 
“Feather dance,” the, i. 61 
Ferdinand YI, of Spain, death 
of, ui 242 

Ferdinand of Brunswick, Prince, 
placed in command of the Ger- 
man troops, 11 . 252 ; drives Cler- 
mont out of Hanover, u 252; 
111 246 

Ferguson, Captam, at Louisbourg, 
11. 262 

Feudalism, robbed of its vitalify, i. 

Feudal proprietorship, odione to 
the democratic nature of Frank- 
lin, u. 24. 

“Fidhlc," the, at Louisbourg, ii. 

Piedmont, Captain, at Quebec, lit. 
156, 159 

Fielding, Heniy, i 9, 196 
Fireships at Quebec, in 52 
Fitch, Colonel, on the Indian raids, 
11 75 

Fitch's provincial regiment at Ti- 
conderoga, ii 301, 303 
Five Nations, the, in the Ohio val- 
ley, 1 43, a poner of high im- 
portance, i 67, joined by the 
Tuscaroras, i 67, Joncaire in- 
trigues to gam them for the 
French, i. b7 ; i 72 , declared 
by the treaty of Utrecht to be 
British subjects, i ISO, Wil- 
ham Johnson’s noudeifnl influ- 
ence over, I 179, 298, attend 
the convention at Albany, i. 
179; ask that William Johnson 
be restored to the m.auagement 
of Indian afiairs, i 181 , held 
up as an example of confedera- 
tion, I. 182, 1 210; look with 
favor on William Johnson, i 
297 , called in council by John- 
son, 1 299 , forest homes of, ii 
4; trading at Albany, ii 5; 
SWley holds conferences with, 
u 12, set on by Dumas to at- 
tack the border settlements, li. 
14, their power and pnde 
greatly fallen, ii 58, Johnson 
seeks to attach them to the 
English interest, ii, 77 , unable 
to remain neutral, ii 77 , pledge 
themselves to the English, li 
78, Shirley longs for their aid 
against Niagara and Frontenac, 
li 80, half won foi France, ii 
155; Yaudreuil’s plan to force 
them to declare for France, n 
292 : nearly lost to the Enghsh, 



11 335 , iravering, ii 351, 362, 
attend the couveution at Easton, 
11 356 , in 8b , lu the attack on 
Oswego, 111 2b4 See also ho- 
quois Indian'i, and Six Nations, 

Eive-Mile Point, ii, 130, 308 
Ij'laudeis, Wolfe at, in 25 
flassau, on Chuiseiil, in 2tl, on 
the “ Family Compact,” ui 243 
Flatlieads, the, i 72 
Flat Point, 11 262, 263. 

Flat Point Cove, n 266 
Fleniimont, at Montcalm’s giand 
council, 11 176 
Florence, in 168 

Florida, i 22 , ceded to England 
hy Spam, ill 252 

Foligny, M de, on the fiieships at 
Quebec, iii 52 , on the siege of 
Quebec, iii 87 , on the ropnlse 
of the English at Montmoronci, 
ill 76, 111 119, 128) on Wolfe’s 
ascent of the Heights of Abra- 
ham, 111 130, on the loss of 
Montcalm, in 151, ni 287, on 
the burial of Montriilm, ni 291. 
Folsom, Captain, at Fort Lyman, 
1 320. 

Fontbrune, sout to summon Monro 
to suirendor, li 187. 

Fontenoy, Duke of Cnmbeiland 
at, I 10 , 1 22 

Forbes, Bev Eli, rejoices over the 
fall of Canada, in 224 
Forbes, Brigadier .Tohn, m com- 
mand of the expedition against 
Foit Dnqnesue, ii 264, leads 
an expedition against Fort Du- 
quesne, ii. 337, sketch of, ii 
340; his army.ii 340, conflict- 
ing views, 11 341 , his plan of 
advance, 11 342, displeased with 
hts provincials, ii 343 ; in Phil- 
adelphia, h 343 , letters to Bou- 

quet, 11 . 343, 344, 345, 346, 351, 
363, 365, 36b, voxed with the 
Pennsylvania Assembly, li 344 , 
at Ciuhsle, ii 344, ins illness, 
11 344, 345, his imputations 
against Waslirngton, ii 345, 
his lelutioiis with the Indians, 
11 347, troublc>ome allies, ii 
347, 348, ins iguuiaiico of the 
strength of the enemy, ii 348, 
his advance, ii 349 , the object 
of his long delays, n 350, 
waveiing allies, ii 351 , li 358, 
359, 360, on Grant's defeat, 
ii 363, 11 364, hib adiance 
against Fort Duquesno, ii 367 , 
finds It deserted, ii 368; the 
homewaid maich, ii 369, ad- 
vises Amherst of his success, ii 
370, do.ith of, ii 371, impor- 
taucu of his woilc, ii 371 , in, 

Fotbes, Thomas, journal of, i 165, 

Forest outposts, i 74 

Foit Bill, 11 282 

Foil William Henry Hotel, ii. 88, 

‘‘Foudroyant,’’ the, captured by 
the “ Monmouth,” ii 255. 

Fox, Heiiiy, i 10; letter from 
Dmwiddic to, l 184, i 186, 
lettoiB fiom Shuley to, ii 62, 70, 
81, 83, 8b, 93 , on Shirley's suc- 
cessoi, II 70, on Johnson’s 
conirois.sioii, ii 77 , lottois from 
Loudon 10 , ii 81, 87, 93 

Foxcioft, Bov Tliomas, rejoices 
01 or the fall of Canada, lii 224, 

Foxes, the, at MontcJin’s grand 
council, li 174 

Franco, Louis XV, breaks the 
traditionary policy of, i 4 , 
American possoBslons of, i. 5; 
ruined by the Seven Years 



War, in two continents, i S , 
House of Bourbon, holds the 
thione of, 1 12, hei claims, i 
12; nobility of England, com- 
pared with that of, 1 , IS, pro- 
digious influence of women m, 
i 14 , signs of decay, ill, the 
conit, 1 IS; the cleigy, i IS, 
the people, i 15, 16, an aggre- 
gate of dis]ointed parts, i 16 , 
attempt to scour heresy out of, 
1 16, her manifold ills summed 
up in the King, i 16 , influence 
of Madame de Pompadour on, 
1 17 , decliue of the monarchy, 
1 IS, supports the claims of 
the Elector of Bavaria, i 21 , 
her claims in America, i 22, 
builds Its best colony on a piin- 
ciple of exclusion, i 24, her 
chums to Canada, i 27 , Galis- 
aonihie the chief lepresentatire 
of the American policy in, i 
89, in the Ohio vallov, i 43, 
44; cedes Acadia to England, 
1 96, Louisbourg restored by 
England to, i 96 , tiies to turu 
the Acadians from England, i 
99 , the question of American 
boundaries between England 
and, 1 128, Madame de Fom- 
padoni the tine ruler of, i 186, 
military and naial strength of, 
1 187, weak in leadership, i 
187, policy of, I 187, prepares 
an expedition for America, i 

189, mutual dissimulation, i 

190, admits that the Kennebec 
River belongs to England, i 
190, the possession of Acadia 
necessarv to, i 246 , her chances 
of success good, i 247 , Acadian 
exiles in, i 294 , England 
dedlares war against, ii 38 , 
declares war against England, ii 

38; England seeks a gnaiantee 
against, ii 39, Maria Theresa 
courts the alliance of, ii 40 , is 
made themstiument of Austria, 
11 40 , }oiiia Austria and Russia 
agamst Fiussia, ii. 41, 243; 
henceforth to turn her strength 
against hei European foes, u 
41 , reasons for this, ii 41, 42, 
hex policy, ii 42, the Indians 
at the beck of, li 58 , conquers 
the undisputed command of 
Lake Ontaiio, II 102, hastens to 
protect Louisbourg against an 
English attack, ii 157, weak- 
ness of the goiernment in, ii 
249 , m sore need of peace, ui, 
239 , tiles to seize Hanover, iii 
246, its navy reduced to help- 
lessness, 111 247 ; desperate 

financial condition of, iii 249 ; 
her cessions to Great Britain by 
the Peace of Fans, in 261 , 
moving swiftly towards rum, 
in 256, effect of Colbeit 011,111 
257 , loses her giand opportiim- 
ties as a world-power, iii 267 
Franklin, Benjamin, i 80, 173 , his 
famous project of union, i 182, 
his plan rejected by the Crowu, 

I 182, his estimate of Biad- 
dock, 1 195 , a poweiful ally of 
Braddock, i 205 , his antago- 
nism to the Fenne, i 206 , visits 
Braddock’s camp, i 206 , en- 
ables Bind dock to begin Ins 
march, i 206, 207 , i 234, 236 , 
loader in the Pennsylvania 
Assembly, ii 24, the idea of 
feudal proprietorship odious to, 

II 24, ii 27,31,34,35,36, blS 
opinion of Shirley, II 108, his 
opinion of London, ii 108, 16S; 
on the jealousy of the colonies, 
ill 250 



Eranqnet, tlie eugiiioer, ou tlio 
Acaclians, i 2G9, sent to 
Btioagthen Louisbouig, ii. S22, 
Ilia ]Oliinal, li 222 , OU Bigot, 
11 222, 111 couucil at Louib- 
bouig, 11 . 276, on tho aiogo ot 
Louislioiiig, 11 287 

Erasoi, the tiador, the Eiouch 
seize the house of, i 138 , i 142, 

Eiasei, Colonel, at Quebec, iii 
68 , on the lepulae oi the Eng- 
lish at Montmoiend, iii 76 , on 
tho cruelty ol Montgomery, iii 
lOS , on the foice ol the Eng- 
lish and Eiench at the battle 
of Quebec, 111 142 , ou the cap- 
ture of Le Calvaiie, iii 182 , at 
Ste-Eoy, hi 196, on the battle 
of Ste -Foy, ill 204, on the force 
of the Eieuch and English at 
Quebec, iii. 286 ; on tho siege of 
Quebec, 111 289 ; ou the strength 
of the Eiench and English at 
the battle of Ste -Eoy, in 292, 

Eraser, Hon Malcolm, in. 141. 

Eraser’s IUghlaudois, at Eouis- 
bourg, 11 264; at Quebec, iii 
73, 74, 12<), 136, 144; suffer 
from the Canadian wintei, lu. 
ISO; attack the Erench skir- 
mishers, 111 181 ; at Sto.-Eoy, 
hi 196,286 

Erederic II of Prussia, i 4; 
severe apprenticeship of, i 19, 
the first warrior of his time, i 
20 ; seizes Siiesia, i 21 ; draws 
an avalanche npon himself, h 
39 ; hatred of Elizabeth, Maria 
Theresa, and Madame de Pom- 
padour for, ii. 39 , a rebellions 
vassal of the Holy Boman Em. 
pire, 11 39 ; robs Maria Theresa 
of Silesia, li 39; a ventable 
fire-king, ii. 243, begins the 

Coiilinciital war, h 243; Eng 
land makes common cause with, 
u 24J, wins tho battle of 
Plague, 11 244 , defeated at 
Kohu, 11 211, wins at Boss- 
b.\ch, 11 213, doleats the Ans- 
likuia gt I etiUioii, 11 245 , 

Mailaiiif do Pompadoui never 
waveis 111 tier spite against, ii 
260, his tiibule to Pitt, 11 251, 
seemed totteiing to his rum, 
111 233 , reverse!, of, iii 233 , his 
letteis to D’Aigeiis, in 234, 
235, his letter to Voltaire, lii 
234, his iinconqueiablo spirit, 
ill 235 , domestic losses, in 235 , 
hiB campaign of 1760, iii 235; 
his campaign of 176], m 236; 
the fall of Pitt a knell of doom 
to, lii 246 , Peter III of Bnssia 
becomes his friend, in 246 , on 
the loss of life m the Continen- 
tal War, 111 256 , succeods in 
defying his adversaries, iii 266. 

Eiedoiic, Eort, i 26, li 64. See 
also Cl own Point 

Eredeiick Louis, Prince of Wales 
(eldest son of Geoige II ), i 10. 

Eiederic William, King of Ger- 
many, makes Germany the best 
engine of war in Europe, i 19. 

Erdmont, M., at Uswego, u 149 

Erench, the, Miumis refuse to 
listen to, 1 60, 61 ; Oswego of 
ill omen to, i 77 ; plot to 
destioy Oswego, i 82, 83 , perils 
of, 1 87, 88 , destroy Causeau, 
1 97; never reconciled to tho 
loss of Acadia, i. 97 ; dread 
Eort Halifax, i 191 , Lawrence 
and Shirley plan against, i 248, 
249 , heaitlessness of their deal- 
ings with tho Acadions, i 254 , 
their losses in the battle of 
Lake George, i. 323; capture 



Oswego, 11 93, think to crush 
Etederic of Prussia at Hoss- 
bach, 11 S45 ; elated by the 

repulse of the English at Mont- 
moreuci, iii 102 ; flee befoie 
Prederic of Prussia, in 233 

Prench Academy, the, hloiitcalm’s 
ambition to become a member 
of, II 43. 

Prench America, two heads of, i 
42; Vandreuil the new gov- 
ernor of, 1 189 

Pieuch, the Canadian, prepare to 
defend Crown Pomt, i 299 

"Prench Catharine’s Town,’’ i 

Prench colonies, the, causes of fail- 
ure of, 1 23 , the Engbsh colo- 
nies more populous and wealthy 
than , 1 132 

Prench Creek, i 48, 133, 136, 138, 
139, 174 

Prench Indians, the, i 62, 141 , 
in the battle of Lake George, 
1 318; in the siege of Niagara, 
ill 90 

Prench Mountain, the heights of, 
1 311, 320 , 11 298 

Prench ports, in the West, i 4, 

200 . 

French priests, the, persuade tlie 
Acadians to break faith with 
England, i 95 ; indignation of 
Cornwallis towards, i 111 ; the 
proposition to replace, 1 112, 

Prench Ilevolution, the, i. 20. 

Freshwater Cove, li 262, 263, 
Wolfe attempts to land at, ii 
264 , the defence of the French 
at, li 264 

Prontenac, Port, i 41 ; Bienville 
at, i 65; Father Piquet at, i 
72, reason for building, i 77, 
reception of Pathei Piquet at, 
i. 78, II 8, location of, ti 9; 

Prench force at, ii 9, 10 ; Prench 
camp at, ii 59 , Prenoh engi- 
neers strengthen the defences 
of, II 60, guarded by the bat- 
talions of Guienne and X,a Saire, 
II 62, Shirley’s plan to sciae, 
u 68, so, 86 , Loudon abandons 
the attempt .igainst, ii 87 ; 
Montcalm at, ii 95, ii 102, 
fails into Biitish hands, ii 334, 

335, baffles Shirley m his at- 
tempt against Niagaia, ii 335; 
gnes Montcalm the means of 
conquering Oswego, ii 335, 
Bradstieot’s expedition against, 
11 335, De Noyan in command 
at, u 335 , surrenders to Brad- 
street, 11 335 , destroyed, ii 

336, importance of possessing, 
n 336 

hVontiers, the, misery of, ii 17 ; 
the nature of, n 19 , petition 
for protection, ii 25, 28 
Pry, Colonel Joshua, in command 
of tho Virginia regiment, l 147, 
ISO , dangerous illness of, 1 . 156 , 
death of, i 157 

Frye, Major, i 285 , attacked by 
Boisbdbert, i 286 , on Chaplain 
Weld, ii 92, on Mann’s dash 
on Port Edward, ii 173; sent 
to Port William Henry, ii. 185, 
191, 197 , bis escape from the 
Indians, ii 199, 200; his letter 
to Governor Pownall, u 202 ; 
on the attack on Port William 
Henry, iii 276, 277 
Puentes, Count de, on the arro- 
gance of Pitt, 111 241 
Pundy, Bay of, i. 246, 248, 256, 
268, 270, 277, Monckton de- 
spatched to, 11 284 , li 285 
Pur-trade, the, i 40, at Albany, 

II 5 

Pur-traders, i 40, 45, 74, 77 



GjiSAntre' Bat, Boscairen sails 
into, II 363 

Gsgo, Iiisutciiant-Colonel, i SSO, 
222; 111 the liattio of Monoiiga- 
helo, 1 22S, S24, wouudoil, i. 
227 , on Uie defont of Brnddook, 
1 229, 1 232, with Aborciom- 
bio, n 299, lottot fiom Am- 
hoiat to. 111 83, sent to aiipor- 
aede Johnson, iii. 91 
GaliaaoDibie, aoe La Galtssomiie 
Gallows Hill, seized by WoUe, li 

Galop:,, the, Amherst desceuds, 
111 217 
Galt, 11 . 369 
Ganottskie Bay, li 178 
Gai diner. Captain, of the “Mon- 
mouth," 11 2S5 , hia fight with 
the '■ Foudroyant," ii 2SS , 
death of, ii 2SS 

Gardiner, Richard, on the siege 
of Qtiebec, iii 288. 

Gardner, doatii of, ii ISI 
Garneau, ou the strength of the ' 
Frencli and Bnglisli at the bat - 1 
tie of Ste -Fay, lii 293. I 

Gatpd, li 286 , ui. 200 
Gospii, county of, i 131. 

Gaspd, Co, on Wasliington's at- 
tack on Jiimonvillo, i. 156; on 
Bigot’s life and character, ii 226 
Gosperean, Fort, at Baye Verte, 
1 . 262 , summoned to surrender, 
i, 262 ; surrenders, i. 262 
Gates, Horatio, wounded in the 
battle of Monongahela, i 227 , 
lettei from Macaulay to, u 338. 
“ General Couit," the, at Boston, 
1. 28 

General Hospital, the, at Quebec, 
111 108, 149, 176, 180, 290 > 

Genesee River, the. Father Piquet 
at, 1 76 

"Gentleman’s Magazine,’’ i 204; 

on the defeat of Braddock, i, 
229, on the Niagaia expedi- 
tion, 11 12 , ou the Pennsyl- 
vanian disputes, 11 37 , on the 
failure of the Lunisbouig ex- 
pedition, 11 , 161 , 11 334, ou 
Giant’s defeat, ii 363 ; ou For. 
bes’ advance, ii 367, on the 
question of retaining Canada, 
111 261 

George IL, prosaic reign of, i 7 j 
the Acadiana swear fidelity to, 
1 95, 96, the Acadmns refuse 
to take the oath of allegiance 
to, i 276 , his opinion of Wolfe, 
lii 31 , death of, iii 237 
George III, becomes King of 
England, iii 237, characteris- 
tics of, ui 237 , dislikes Fitt, 
lii 237 , becomes the supporter 
of the peace party, m. 238 , his 
now cabinet, in 239, his new 
policy. 111 239, deposes New- 
castle, in. 246 , fools the need 
of peace, in 249, negotiations 
opened, iii 240 ; the question of 
, restoring Canaila, iii 260. 
George, Fort, built by Amherst, 
1 306 , 11 282 , iii. 79, 166 ; iii 
283. See also William Henry, 

i George, Fort, see New Oeweqo, 
George, Lake, Johnson’s march 
for, i 305; Johnson changes 
name of Lac St, Sacremont to, i 
i 306, 327, 1 310, li 8b, New 
England muatoriiig against the 
i French at, ii 67 ; Winslow at, 
i ii 88, 108 ; the chief centre of 
partisan war, ii. 116, langers 
at, 11 120, 121, 123 , ii. 132, 136, 
140, 163, 166, 166, 179, 181, 207, 
215, 217, 218, 282, 286, 292, 293, 
294, 306, 308, 310, 313, 337; 
Amherst at, lu 78, 80. 



Georgia, colony of, i 23, 36 
Geiinam, KeTereud Father, i 104 , 
advises the AcarUaus not to take 
the oath of allegiante, i lOS, 
1 107 , at Ueaubassm, i 122 , 
111 266 

Geiman Flats, the Palatine settle- 
ment of, 11 6 , Webb at, ii 94 , 
attacked by Vaudrenil, ii 209, 
desti action of, ii 210, popula- 
tion of, ii 211 

Geiinauic Empire, the collective, 
1 19 , ]oiiis the thice powers 
against Pinssia, ii. 244; in 246 
Germans, the, in Pennsylvania, i 
S3, 34, 172, 200 , m New York, 
1 35 , hate the thought of mili- 
tary sen ice, ii 2'i , demand 
measuies of war from the As- 
sembly, 11 33, 

Geimau States, the smaller, ]oin 
the three powers against Pius- 
sia, 11 244 

Germany, the destinies of, i 19 , 
left by Fiederic William the 
best engine of war in Europe, 
I 19, Bosshtsih begins the re- 
creation of, 111 255 
Qethen, Captain, killed m the 
battle of Mouongahela, i 236 
Gibialtar, gariisou of, 1 11, Brad- 
dock m^e governor of, i 197 , 
the fact questioned, i 197 
Gibialkir, the Straits of, ii 254 
Gibson, Geoige, i 236. 

Gibson, J , on the repulse of the 
English at Montmorenci, iii 76 
Giddmgs, Captain, on Rogers, ii 

Gilchiist, 111 285 

Gnaid, priest at Cobequid, i 111 , 
sent prisoner to Halifax, but 
released, i 111 , retires to Isle 
St Jean, i 111 , on the misery 
of the Acadions, 1 114 

Gist, Christopher, i 45; sent to 
explore the Ohio country, i 
57 , reaches Logstown, i. 57, at 
Muskingum, i 57, service ren- 
dered by Montour to, i 57 , ou 
Mary Hams, i 59 , at Pickavvil- 
lany, i 58 , among the Mumis, 
1 60, received bv Ea Demoi- 
selle, 1 60 , makes a treaty with 
the Miamis, i 60, descrilies 
the “feather dance,” i 61 , re- 
turns to Roanoke, i 62 , his re- 
port, 1 62 , journal of, i 62, 
137 ; acts as guide for Wash- 
ington, 1 138, 141 , on the Alle- 
ghanv, 1 141, 142, makes a 

settlement at Laurel Hill, i, 
151 , 1 157, a council of war 
m the house of, i 158 
Gist’s settlement, Washington ad- 
vances to, 1 158, Villiera at, 
I 161, binned by Villieis, i 
167 , Braddock at, i 232, 234 
See also Z^iir el Hill. 

Givaid, 111 275 

Gladwvn, wounded in the battle of 
Mouongaheln, i 227 
Glasgow, Wolfe at, iii 25 
Glasier, Colonel, ii 91 
Glen, Governor, of South Carolina, 
vexes Dinwiddle, i 183 
Gnadenhutten, Moravian settle- 
ment of, burned by the Indi- 
ans, ii 33 
Goat Island, ii 258 
Godefioy, i. 218, 221 , on the de- 
feat of Braddock, i 229 
Goldsmith, Oliver, tells the story 
of Braddock ’s sister, i 196. 

" Goodwill,” the transport, in 46. 
Goidou, Mr , ii 91 
Gordon, the engineer, on the 
French in the Ohio valley, i 
44 ; 1 233 

Gotde, the Island of, taken from 



the French, in 247 ; lestorod to 
France, iii 252 
Gorham, Captam, li 150, 
GoYoiiioiA, the loyal, attitndo of, 
1. 177 

" Govornoi’s Talaco,” the, at Wil- 
linmahiug, i 147, 169 
Gradia and bon, official knavery 
of, ii 227 

Graham, Rev John, diary of, ii 

Grand Batteiy, the, at Louiehomg, 

ii 200, abandoned by the French, 
11 266 

Grand Alonan, tho, li! 23 
Grand Pic, i 98, 1 10, 270 , Acadian 
deputies at, i 274 , Winsloiv at, 

I 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 288. 
Grant, Mra , ii 298 

Giant, Mrs Anne, see Mac Vicar, 

Grant, Ensign, at Louiabouig, it 

Giant, Major, of tho Ilighlandois, 

II 859, his expedition, ii. 350, 
S60) the attack, ii 361 ; tho 
panic, 11 362, defeat of, ii 
363, captttcpd by the Fieucti, 
It 383. 

Grant, Liontenant Willinm, on the 
bravely of the Illglilondors at 
Ticonderoga, ii 310, 

Grants IIill, ii 349, 359 
Granville, Earl, letter from Din- 
widdle to, i, 183, 184 , 111 243 , 
his reply to Pitt, in. 244 j on tho 
result of the Seven Years' War, 

iii 265 

Granville, Fort, captured by the 
French and Indians, ii 110 
Gray, John, letter from his biotliei 
James to, ii 6 

Gray, Sergeant James, on the uni- 
forms in the Niagara expedition, 


Qiay, Thomas, iii 129 

“ Caidmal,” tho, i 17. 

Great Cairying I’lnie of the 
Mohawk, the, Johnson's aimy 
at, 1 306 , Shiiloj at, ii 6 , the 
English build forts to gu.ird, 
ij bl , Shiiley lebiiiliis the fort 
at, 11 71, 80, Webb at, ii 93, 
Webb bums the foits at, ii 94 ; 
i! 336, 111 84 

“ Gieat Commoner,’’ the, see Put, 

Great Company, the, i 293 

Great Cove, tho, settlements in, 
destioyod by the Indians, ii 29. 

Great ICanawlia River, the, Bien- 
ville at, I 61. 

Groat Lakes, the, i 130 

Great Meadows, the, Washington 
at, i 150, 161, 166, Washington 
joined by the Indians at, i. 157 , 
tho fight at, 1 164 ; Dunbar at, 
1 234. 

Great Miami Rivet, the, i 58. 

Groat Onnntio, the, hoo Ononfio, 

Great bavnge Mountain, tho, i. 

Gioat West, the, i. 42 ; the key of, 
] 66 , opened to English enter- 
priBO, 11 371 

Groon, on tho Seven Years’ War, 
ui 288. 

Groon Bay, i. 89 ; li, 231. 

Green Mountains, the, ii 141. 

Grenada, captured by the English, 
III, 248 ; ceded by France, 111 252 

Gionadiors, the, at Quebec, iii, 73, 
74; thoir losses, 111 76, robiikod 
by W olf e, ui, 10$ j on the Heights 
of Ahrahiun, iii 133. 

Grenadiers, tho French, attack Old 
Loretta, ui 180; at Ste-Foy, in, 

Grenadines, the, ceded by France, 
ui, 252. 



Grenville, ii. S96, on WoUe, ni 

Giulley, Colonel, ii 89 

Qiiguon, Pieire, ui 273 

Guadeloupe, aei/ed by the English, 
111 217, 250, lestoied hy the 
English, in 252 

Gnienue, the battalion of, ordered 
to Canada,! 189, guards l<ort 
Erontenac, n 62, iii the expe- 
dition against Uswego, ii 9b, 
at Ticondeioga, ii 165, 310, 
315, in Monttalm’s expedition, 

II 180, at Quebec, ui 72, 74, 
119 , encamped on the St 
Charles, lu 128 , on the Heights 
of Abraham, iii 134, 136 

Guinea coast, the, ii 253 

Gumley, Colonel, Btaddock’s duel 
with, i 196 

Habitants, i 81 

Hague, Tillage of, ii 116. 

Haiiiaut, the regiment of, Mont- 
calm joins, 11 44 

Haldimand, Colonel, at Osivego, 

III 84, ill 87. 

Hale, George S , ii 91. 

Half-King, the, orders the Erench 

to leave the country, i 135 ; his 
interview with Marm, i 135 , 
accompanies Washington to 
Eort liB Bffiuf, 1 138 ; the 
Erench try to win ovei,! 140, 
joins Washington, t 151, 162, 
Washington’s council with, i 
152 , claims to have kiUed Ju- 
monviUe, i 156; at the Great 
Meadows, i 157 , stands fast by 
the English, i 158 , holds aloof 
from Washington, i 166, his 
comments on the fight at Great 
Meadows, i 166, his estimate 
of Washington, i 166 

Half-Moon, the New England 

troops at, ii 71 , Wmshm’s 
headquarters at, ii 75 , ii 140, 

Halfway Brook, iii 79. 

Hall burton, on the embarkation of 
the Aduluns, i 288 
Halifax, 1 95 , founding of, i 96 , 
the offspring of royal authoiity, 
1 97, Acadian deputies at, i 
101 , harassed by La Jon- 
quieie’s Indians, i 103 , Hob- 
son guieruor of, i 117, the 
authorities not models of intei- 
natioual viitue, i 119, i 129; 
Moncktoii at, i 203, English 
mihtiaat.i 247, GoiernorLaw- 
leuce at, i 248, 252 , Daudin sent 
to, 1 253 , 1 264, 265, 270, 272, 
289 , English rondeavous at, ii 
157, 158, 159, 11 204, Bos- 
cawen and Amlieist at, n 261 , 
111 32, 34, 121, 203, 2b6, 292. 
Halifax Council, the, on the ab- 
surd claim of Le Lontie, i 126 
Halifax, Eort, Duquesiie ordered 
to destroy, i 190, dreaded by 
the Eiench, i 191 
Halifax, Loid, i 10, letteis from 
Dinwiddle to, i 184,237 , at the 
head of the Board of Trade and 
Plantations, i 186 , on Shuley's 
successor, ii 70 , letter from 
Winslow to, u 127 
Halket, laeutenant, killed in the 
battle of Mouongaliela, i 227 
Halket, Major, m Forbes’ expedi- 
tion against Eort Duquesue, ii 
369 , on the diBLomforts of 
Forbes, 11 370,371 
Halket, Sir Peter, in the battle of 
Monongahela, i. 224, death of, 

i 227 , death of his son, i 227 ; 

ii 369 

Halkot's regiment, i 208, 

Hiilkett, m 280, 


Hamilton, Captain, lii. 93. 

Hamilton, Goveinoi, of Pennsjlva- 
nid, uu tlie English fui -tinders, i 
4%, lottet fiom Bienville to, 1 48, 
sends ('roghan to the Wyandot, 
i 57, 53 , lettei liom Goreinor 
Clinton to, 1 66 , letter fiom 
Saint Pierre sent to, i 140, pow- 
erless against his Assembly, r 
147 , letter from Colonel Innes 
to, 1 164, letter from Dinwiddle 
to, 1 171 , presents circular let- 
ter from the Eail of Iloldornesso 
to his Assembly, i 172; the 
Assembly refuses to respond to 
hiB requests, i 178, succeeded 
by Mums, 1 . 173 

Hampton, Braddock lands at, i 
194, 198. 

Hanbniy, John, the Quaker mer- 
chant, a momlier of the Ohio 
Company, i 97, letters from 
Dinwiddle to, 1 146, 149 , Brad- 
dock’s blunder nscnbml to, i 
204 , cnnbnlted hv Hewcasllo on 
Ameiicaii aflaiis, i 201. 

Hanbury, Mrs , i 110 

Hancock, the Boston merchant, r 

Handflold, Major, in command at 
Annapolis, 1 276 j ordered to 
seise the Acadiaus, i 270 ; his 
report, 1 . 286 , letter from Wins- 
low to, 1 288. 

Banover, the vulnerable part for 
which England was always 
trembling, li 39; an apple of 
discord, 11 . 246 , Eeidiuand 
drives Clermont ont of, ii 262 ; 
Continental kingdom of, iii. 
237 ; Prance tnes to seize, hi. 

Hanover, the House of, i 7 , IL 

Hardy, Sir Charles, governor of 

New York, ii 70 , his represen- 
tations of Shirley’s conduct, it 
70, letter from Abeiciombie to, 
11 83; on the captuie of Oswego, 
II 103, 11 158, 286. 

Hardy, Major, at Quebec, lu. 68, 

Horns, John, on the Indian mas- 
sacres on the Susquehanna, h. 

Barns, Mary, story of, i 68, 59 
Barns, Thomas, an English scout, 
at the rums of Oswego, li. 

Haslet, Captain, i 216 
Hautenr-de-lo-Potenco, ii 271 
Havana, English attack planned 
on, 111 247 , Albemarle and 
Pococke att.nck, ill 248; in Eng- 
lish Inruda, 111 248 
Havilaud, CaptiUii, iii command at 
P'ort Edward, 11 215, letter from 
Pi ingle tu, II 219, ui 207, 208, 
211,212, 213; at l5lo-nuo-Noi\, 

lii 21 1, 216 

Hawke, Sii Kdwaid, intercepts a 
Proiii'h fleet buiiiul foi Amciica, 

II 256 

n.rwlov. Captain Elisha, death of, 
1 813, 322 

Howlev, Joseph, i 313 
Uai', Sir Charles, II 169. 

Hay, Ensign, killed at Port Boan- 
sdjour, 1 260 

IXorard, i 212; on Port Duquesne, 
1 216,220, on the destniction of 
Eittnnniog, ii. 113 
“ Hazard’s Pomisylvania Begis- 
ter," on Grant’s defeat, ii 363 
Ilazen, Captain Mubos, in the at- 
tack on Port Boauscjuiu, i 258 ; 
11 , 115; at Lorotte, hi. 182, ex- 
ploits of, nr 182, 183 ; wounded 
at Sto -Poy, iii. 196 ; anecdote of, 

III 196, 197. 



Haren’s rangers, exploits of, in 
182, 183 , at bte -ii'oy, m 193, 195 
Heliecomt, Captain, at licouder- 
oga, u 214, takes his leveogo 
on Rogers, ii 215 , leiiifoiced 
bj the Mission Indians, ii 215, 
his account of Rogers’ fight, ii 
220 , left at Ticonderoga, in 80 , 
escape of, in 81. 

Hendetsun, on the Heights of 
Abraham, in 140 
Hendiick, cinef of the Mohawks, 
complains of his wrongs, i 178 , 
pacified by William Johnson, i 
178, attends the convention at 
Albany, i 180, his speech at 
the Conienlion, i ISO, at Fmb 
Lyman, i 313 ; at the Drowned 
Lands, 1 313 ; death of, i. 3U, 

Hening, i 145; on Dinwiddle’s 
disputes with the Burgesses, i 

Eenssy, Florence, the French spy 
in London, n 1 57 
Herbin, at Montcalm’s grand 
council, 11 17S; in command 
at Le Calvaire, lii. 182 ; put to 
flight by the English, iii 182 
Herkimer, Fort, n 210 
Hermitage, the, ii 226 
“ Hdros,” the, ii 49. 

Ileitel, at Montcalm's grand coun- 
cil, 11 . 175 

Highlanders, the, ii 86, with 
Abeiciombie, ii 299 ; their brav^ 
ery at Ticonderoga, ii SIS , ii 
340, III 25 

Highlanders of Montgomery’s reg- 
iment, the, in Forbes’ expedi- 
tion against Foit Dnquesne, ii 
840, in Grant’s expedition, li 
359, 360, 361, 362 ; ii 367, 368 
Highlands of the Hudson, the, ii 

“Historical Magazine,” on the 
massacre at Foi t William Henry, 
11 203; on Roubaud, iii 170 

Hobbs, Captain, at Fort Rdward, 
1 280, 282 

Ilocqiiait, Captain, in command of 
the “Alcide,” i 192, attacked 
by the “Dauphin,” i 192, 193 , 
Ins account of the engagement, 
I 193, on the dwellings of the 
Acadians, i 268 

Hodges, Captain, ambushed by 
Canadians and Indians, ii 116. 

Hogarth, i 9 

Holbonrne, Admiral Francis, or- 
dered to mtoicept the Fiench 
expedition for Canada, i 191 , 
in command of the English fleet 
sent against Louisbourg, ii 157 , 
at Halifax, li 159, the expe- 
dition abandoned, ii 160, his 
fleet seriously damaged by a 
hurricane, ii 160, on the fail- 
nre of tho Inaisbourg expedi- 
tion, II 1 61 

Holdernesse, Earl of, Seccetarr of 
State, circular letter from, i. 
172, letter fiom Dinwiddie to, 
I 184, letter from Sewell to, 
i 322 , letter from London to, li 
205, letter from Wolfe to, I'l 
114, 116, in 204, supplanted 
by the Earl of Bute, iii 239 

Holdernesse, Lady, iii 204, 

Holdernesse, Lady Emily, iii 204. 

Holland, in 129, 258 

Holland, Lieutenant, i 93 

Holmes, Admiral, at Quebec, lii. 
32, 106, 107, 116, 117, 122, 123, 
124, 126, 128 

Holy Roman Empiio, the, i 19; 
Frederic the Great a rebellious 
vassal of, ii 39 

Hoops, Adam, on the Indian maa- 
sacres, u. 29 



Hoover, Jacob, 3 233 

Hoo\ei, Michael, 1 233, 

Hopkins, Lieutenant, at Louis- 
houTg, 11 265 

Hopson, sneieods Cornwallis as 
governor of Halifax, 3 108, de- 
bcriptioii of, 3 117 , his order to 
his nnlitaxy biihoiduutos, 1 117, 
hiB ronsideiato treatment of the 
Atadians, 3 117, i 266 

Hospital battery, the, at Quebec, 
111 .60 nuns, the, 3ii 64 ,* Knox 
on. Ill 175 , above praise. Ill 176. 

IIotel-Dieu, the, at Quebec, in 1 08, 

Hdtel-Dieu nuns, the, see Hospital 
nuns. At 

"Hot Stuff,” written by Edward 
Botwood, 111 76 

Honllibio, commander of the regu- 
lars at Ijouiabonrg, ii 269, in 
council at Lonisliouig, ii 276, 
on the siege of Looisbourg, u 

Iloube of Burgesses, the, see Bm- 
gessfs, thf House of 

“ Howard,” i 9. 

Howe, Captain Edward, detested 
by Le Loiitro, i 123 , tioaehor- 
onsly ranrdeied by Lo Loutio’s 
Indians, i 123, 124 ; in command 
of the "Eiinkirk,” 3. 192 j at- 
tacks and captures the "Al- 
cide,” 3 192, 193 

Howe, Colonel, 3ii 126; on the 
Heights of Abraham, iii. 133, 

Howe, Brigadier Lord, reaches 
German Elats too late, li 210; 
with Abercrombie, ii. 253, the 
real commander of the Ticon- 
deroga expedition, ii 295 ; esti- 
mates of, ii 296 , sketch of, n 
296 ; anecdote of, ii 297 ; before 
Ticonderoga, li. 299, 300 ; death 

of, II 303 , his death the ruin of 
fifteen thousand, ii 304; effect 
of his death, ii 306 , waimly in 
favor of Bradstieet's expedition, 
11 835 

Hoyt, on tlie battle of Lake Geoigo, 
3 328, 329 , on the sufferings of 
Bugers’ rangers, iii 101 
Hubbaid, Thomas, iii 276 
Hubertsbuig, the treaty of, iii 254. 
Hudson Bay, i 22 
Hudson Biver, the, i 31, 35, 200, 
300, 11 4, 6, 71, 76, 109, 140, 
162, 205, 323 , iii 4, 83 
Huguenot Eiench, the, in Hew 
Yoik, 1 36 

Huguenots, the, Louis XV re- 
vives tho persecution of, i 16 , 
1 24 

Hogues, at Ticonderoga, ii 306 
Hnmaiiitariamsm, Now England, 
1 294 

“Huinjihroy Cliiikei,” 3 186. 
Humphrovs, the biogr.iplior of 
I’ntiiam, ii 331; on I'ntnam’a 
ndvoiitmos, ii 3.34 nolilcs, tlio, dovotion 
foi Maria Thoicsn, i 22 
Hnugiiry, Queen of, in 236. 
“HniiteT,” tho, at (jiiohoc, iii 131. 
Huiou, Lake, 3 80, 131 
Hninu Indians, tho, i 46, 61, 130, 
]oiii tho Eiench against the 
English, 1 159, sent lo the de- 
fence of Eort Dnquesne, ii. 

Huions of Detroit, the, at Mont- 
calm’s grand council, ii. 174. 
Buions of Loiotte, the, at Eort 
Duquesne, i. 216; ii 58; bar- 
barities of, II 853, at Mont- 
calm’s grand council, ii. 174 
Husko, map of, shows British 
claims in Aiiiencn, 3 131. 
Hutchins, Ensign, iii. 93, 116, 

INDEX. 887 

Hntchinson, on the condnct of 
Governor Shirley, i 175, on 
the fate of the Acadians, i. 293 , 
on cannibalism among the In- 
dians, 11 208. 

Illinois, the, militia of, at Loyal- 
hannon, ii 364, ui 86, 91, 

Illinois Colony, the, maps of, i 44 

Illinois Indians, the, i 43 , leagu- 
ing with the Osages, i 88; i 

nimois River, plains of, ! 59; li. 

“Illustre,” the, ii 49 

Imperialists, the, thmk to crnsh 
Rrederic of Fiussia at Ross- 
hach, 11 245 

"Impenal Magazine,’* the, iii 161 

India, England gains the mastery 
of, 1 6 , France disputes with 
England the mastery of, i 12, 
convulsed by the war between 
England and France, li 39 , ris- 
mg Fiench colonies in, ii 42; 
English successes in, ii 251 , 
French losses in, iii 252. 

Indians, the, in the Ohio valley, 
1 43 , give great trouble to 
Halifax, 1 105 , invited by Din- 
widdie to meet him at Winches- 
ter, i. 146 , the British Cabinet 
nrges the colonies to make 
treaties with, i. 178, despised 
by Braddock, i 210, at Fort 
Cumberland, i 211 ; m the 
battle of Monongahela, i 223- 
231, their losses, i. 231, at 
Crown Point, i 308 , a source 
of annoyance to Dieskau, i 308 , 
in the battle of Lake George, i 
318, 320, 324, at the beck of 
France, ii 58 , divination among, 
ii 126; their wai-feasts, 11 168, 
cannibalism among, ii 171, 207, 
VOL. in.— 22 

208. For individual tribes sea 

























Five Nations^ 





St Frajicisy 


SautBt LoiiiSf 






Biz NailoDBy 











Indians of Canada, the, trading at 

Albany, ii 5 

Indians of Nova Scotia, the, plan to 

attack the English settlements, 
i 249 

Indian traders, rarely models of 
virtue, i 45 
Indies, the, m 243 
Independents, the, in New York, 

Intendant's Palace, the, at Quebec, 
li 225 

Inveiawe, castle of, ii 299; m. 

281 , legend of, lu. 281-285 
Inverness, town of, lu 25 
lowas, the, at Ticonderoga, ii 
166, at Montcalm’s grand conn 
cil, u 174 
Ipswich, 11 322 

Irish, the, in Pennsylvania, i 33, 

Iiish traders, the, i 57. 



Iteland, i 198, bold attempt to 
invade, m 247 

Iroquois Indians, the, 3 41 , in tlio 
Ohio vftUoy, 1 43 ; \ill.ige of, 
1 49 , their legend of Chiist,i 
B8, a jiowoi of high impoit- 
aiice, 1 67, towns of, i 70, to 
be agents of the French in 
dostioyiiig Oswego, i 82, 83, 
dei'laicd liy thotioaty of Utiecht 
to bo British sutqocts, i 130, 
profess devotion to the French, 
1 13S , with Ihcskan, i 314 , 
in Piquet’s war paity, iii 263, 
Seo also Ftoe Nations, the 
Iroqnois ladies, llie, Montcalm’s 
impressions of, ii 59 
Iroquois of Cauglinawaga, the, ii 
58 , at Montcalm's giaud coun- 
cil, ii 174 

Iroquois of La Presentation, the, 
]oin the French against the 
English, 1 159 , 11 58 , at Mont- 
calm’s grand council, li 174 
Iroquois of the Dhio, the, I)in- 
widdio asks for aid against the 
French from, 1 141 
Iroquois of the Two Mountains, 
the, 11 68, at Montcalm’s grand 
council, 11 174 
froquois towns, the, 1 70 
Irwin, Lionteuaut, ii 320 
Island Battery, at Louisbourg, 1! 
2G0 ; the English open dro on, 
li 267, silenced by Wolfe, u 

Isle-au-Castor, il, 224 
Isle aux-Coudres, Duiell's fleet ar- 
rives at, ill 39, ordoied to be 
evacuated, lii 41 ; Wolfe’s plan 
to fortify. 111 . 103 

Isle aux-FToix, iii. 18, 36 , Bourlo- 
maque at, in 80, 81, 92 , iii 83 , 
its foitifliatious, 111 92 j 111 91, 
95, 108, 152, Bougainville at, 

in. 207, 213; Ilaviland at, in. 
214; abandoned by Bougain- 
ville, in 214 

Isle d’()rlc.ins, ordeied to be evac- 
uated, ni 41 See also Oilcans, 
the hland of 

Isle Uoymlu, i 100; Acadian emi- 
giatiou to, 1 113, 244 See also, 
Bieton, Cape 

Isle St Joan, i 102, Girard lo- 
tires to, 1 111, Acadian enn- 
gintion to, 1 113, 244, Bona- 
veiituio governor of, i 114, i 
125, 292 , II 280, 284 See {dso 
Pi nice Edwaid’s Island 

Isle St-Therhse, Mitriay at, lii. 

Italy, Bourbon princes of, iii 243 

lunoB, Colonel >TamBs, letter to 
Governor Hamilton fiom.i 164, 
in commniul of the Noith Caro- 
lina regiment, i. 168, his letter 
to Dinwiddle, i 109, in com- 
iiiaiid at Foit Cunihorlaud, i 
234 , Ins note to Loid Fairfax, 
i 236, 237 , friendship of Din- 
widdio fui, 11 17 ; Ins opinion of 
Loudon, 11 158. 

Jack, Cawaiw, vows vengeance 
against the Indians, i. 212; 
coldly received by Broddoek, 

I 212 

Jacobites, the, i 200. 

Jacobs, Captain, the tenor of the 
English border, ii. Ill , at Kit- 
tanning, ii 111 ; attacked by 
Aimstiong, ii, 112; death of, 
li 113 

Jacques Cartier, iii 119, 148, 149, 
152, IBG i Ldvis at, lil, 162 , gar- 
rison at, lil 187, llcpentigny 
stationed at, iii 207 , iii 209 

James II , tries to unite the north- 
ern American colonies, i. 87. 



James Hirer, ii 109 
JelEerson, Thomas, on William 
and Hary College, i lb9 
JefEerjs, 11 288 
Jersey, the Island of, i, 261, 
“Jersey Blues,” the, in the Niag- 
ara er:peditiou, ii 6 , in Shir- 
ley’s now campaign, ii 70 
Jems, John, see St Vincent, Eail 
Jesuits, the, at Caughnawaga, i 
68 ; missions of, ii 353 , at Que- 
bec, in 50 

Jesuits, the college of the, at 
Quebec, in 173 
Jesus Christ, see Christ 
Joannbs, Major of Quebec, ui 123 , 
unwilling to suirendci Quebec, 
111 159 , sent to capitulate with 
Townsbend, in 160, on the bat- 
tle of Quebec, in 287 
Johnson, Foit, council at, I 299 , 
11 6, Indian oouiicils at, n 78, 
Johnson sick at, n 79 , n 103 
Johnson, Soigeant John, on the 
siege of Quebec, in 57 , on the 
repulse of the Biiglish at Mont- 
morenci, in 76, on the loyalty 
of the aimyto Wolfe, in 121, 
on AVolfe’s ascent of the Heights 
of Ahraliatu, in UO, on the 
temper of Murray’s tioops, in 
184, on the fight at Ste,-Foy, 
in 194, on the condition of 
Muiray’s troops, in 197, on the 
rashness of Muiray, in 198 , on 
the conduct of the Biitish of9- 
cers. 111 199 , on the battle of 
Ste-Boj, 111 204, on the siege 
of Quebec, in 289 ; on the 
stiength of the Nrench and 
English at the battle of Ste- 
Eoy, ni 298 

Johnson, Colonel Wilham, i 66 , 
his skill in managing Indians i 
68, his letter to Governor Clin- 

ton, i 68 , i 77 , hiB anxiety for 
his safety, i 81, adnsed of the 
Ohio expedition, i 93 , pacifies 
Chief Hendrick, i 178 , his 
wondeiful iiifiuenLe over the 
Eiie Nations, i 179, 298, the 
Eire Nations ask that he be re- 
stored to the management of In- 
dian ofiaiis, 1 181 , 111 command 
of the expedition against Crown 
Point, 1 2U1 , made sole supei- 
luteudent of Indian affairs, i 
202, 203, in command of the 
expedition against Clown Point, 
i 297, his heteiogcneouB au- 
thority, 1 297 , sketch of, L 
208, burn to prospei, i 298, 
compaiatiiely a model of up- 
rightness, 1 298, his fortified 
house, 1 298 ; his maiiuges, i 
298, calls a council of tlie In- 
dians, 1 290 , encamped near 
Alluny, I 300, his aimi, i 
301 , sends to the culunies for 
reinrorcemonts, i 305 , at the 
Great Carrying I’lace, i 305 ; 
his march foi lake Gem go, i 
305, 306; names Bake Geoige, 
1 306, Dieskan prepaies a sur- 
prise for, i 307 , Bicskau 
matches against, 1 311 , Dieskau 
lays an ambush for, i 313 , the 
attack, 1 314, letreats, i 814; 
the battle of Lake George, i 
316-320; wounded, i 317, rout 
of the French, i 319 , protects 
Dieskau fiom the Indians, i 
320 , did not follow up his sne 
cess 1 324, on the French 
losses m tlie battle of Lake 
George, i 324 , uiged to cajiture 
Ticondeioga, 1 324,325, 'icalnns 
of Lyman, i 325, the Crown 
Point expedition a f.iiline, i 
325, his letter to Phipps, t 



385, calk a conucil of war, 1. 
32b, lOiipa the lauiela of hia 
viuoiy,! .127, .aLouitiLi, I 327, 
ignoiPi in )iis lepoit, 1 
327 , made <i laioiiat by the 
King,! 388, cuircbiKiudoiiLO 
1 . 328 ,11 4, 9, 11 , hu falling 
out with Shuloy, li 12 , Shiiloy 
encioauhcs on his new oih(.e at 
Indian siipermteudeiit, ii. 12; 
luveigliH dgninat iShiiley’s In- 
dian agones, II. 12, Governor 
Dolniicoy ] 0 iii 8 hands against 
Shiiloy with, ii 13 ; ii. 60 , ar- 
rives too late to defend Fort 
Bull, ii 62, diacouiugcs New 
England by his failuie to cap- 
ture Crown Point, ii 69 ; u 71 ; 
seeks to attach the Five Nations 
to the English lutoiest, ii 77; 
his commission, ii 77 , dilHculty 
of his task, 11 77 ; liis success, 
li 73; goes to Onondaga, li 
78; seized with n fevoi, li 79; 
obstacles to his work, ii 80; 
Rogers' leport to, li 121, li 
128, 183 : joins Webb .it Fort 
Fdwaid, 11 205 ; cost to Massa- 
chusetts of the expedition of, 
11 290 ; li 294 ; at 'Tieoiidoroga, 
ii 311, II 351,302; attends the 
convention at Easton, ii, 3S6, 
in Piideaiix's camp, ill 86 ; in 
the siege of Niagara, ill. 87, 
defeats Anbry, iii, 89, 90, calls 
on Poncliol to surrender, in 90; 
the tciros of eapitnlatiou, iii. 91 , 
in Amherst’s expedition against 
Canada, hi. 216, 221. 

Johnson Papers, the, 1. 203 

Johnson's Mohawks, i 300, iii 
216, 221. 

Johnstone, Clievalier, on the fail- 
ure of the Louisbourg expedi- 
tion, ii. 161; on the siege of 

Louishonig, ii 287; on Aher 
crombio’s blunders, ii 809 ; at 
Quebec, lii 69, 60, 74, op the 
repulse of the English at Mont- 
morenci, iii 76 ; on Wolfe’s 
ilespciata plan, lit 116, lii 128; 
on htontralm's agitation, iii 
131, 135; at St John, in 145, 
lt6, oil Vandi'ouil’s cowaidice, 
111 147 , on the rotieat of the 
Fienrh, in 151 , on tho last 
wonts of Montcalm, III 153, on 
the battle of Ste.-Foy, in 204 , 
on Amherst’s expedition against 
Canada, in 214, 215 , on the 
siege of Quebec, iii 289 , on the 
death and hmial of Montcalm, 
ui 290 

Joncaiie, Chahert de, i 47, 48- 
among the Shawaiioos, t 62, 
makes anti-Eiighsh speeches to 
the Ohio Indians, i 62, i 66; 
itiUigiies to giiiii the File Na- 
tions foi Fiance, i. 67 ; at Niag- 
ara, 1 . 74, 76, i 79; repot ts the 
Ohio Indians as on tho side of 
tho English, i. 87 ; in command 
at Venango, i, 138 , gains oter 
most of tho Senecas, i 178; 
n 79, 362 ; trial of, li 241 , n 
852 ; ID command at Little Nia;^ 
ara, in 86 ; bis uiilnouce with 
tho Indians waning, iii 66; 
bnins his fort, m 86. 

Joncaiie, Clauzoimo, iii 86. 

Jonqnibre, see La Jonyuteie, 

Joseph, Montcalm’s servant, ii. 

Juraonrilie, Charlotte Aimable, 
receives a pension, 1 . 156. 

JumonviUe, Conlon de, death of, 
1 158 ; sent to scour tho country, 
1 . 153; brings destruction on 
himself, i 164; opinions on his 
conduct, 1 164; pension given 

INDEX. 841 

to the widow of, i. 156 ; i, 164, 
165, opinions on the death of, 
ill 368-270 
Jnniata, the, li. 110, 

Kalu, gives an account of Albany, 
11 5 , on the presence of the 
French in America, iii 350 
Eanaonagon Kiver, the, see Cone- 
wango River, the 
Kanawha River, the, i 61, 63 
Kanon, fleet of, iii 89, 43, 171. 
Karl, Prince, u 345. 

Kaskaskia, i 44 ! 

Kannitz, minister of Mana The- 
resa, 11 40 

Kennebec River, the, i 30, 175, 
Shirley hnilds forts on, i. 190, 
admitted by the French to be- 
long to the English, i 190 ; the 
portage between the Chaudiire 
and, 1 199 , English settlements 
east of, 1 349 , i 355 , ill 93 
Kennedy, on the confederation of 
the colonies, i 183 
Kennedy, Adjutant, at Fort Ed- 
ward, i 881. 

Kennedy, Captain, hi 93 
Kennedy, Lieutenant, ii. 115, 139, 
130, death of, ii 131. 
Kenningtou Cove, see Freshwater 

Kensington, ii 87 
Keppel, Commodore, m command 
of the American squadron, i 
194, at Alexandria, i. 198, i 

Kikeusick, chief of the Eipissings, 
at Montcalm’s grand council, ii 

Kilgore, Ralph, i. 84 
Killick, master of the " Goodwill,” 
111. 46, 47 

King Beaver, receives Post, li 

King’s Bastion, the, at lionishourg, 
n 358, 260, 372, 275 
King’s companies, the, from New 
York, at Alexandria, i 168; in 
Shirley’s new campaign, li. 

Kings, divine right of, i 7, 
Kingston, i 72 
Kirkland, Dr , h 83 
Kittanning, the Delaware town of, 
site of, I 48, Armstrong sent to 
attack, 11 110; the attack, u. 
112; destruction of, ii 118; 
Armstrong’s report, ii 113, 
Dumas’ report, li 114 
Kloster-Zeven, the convention of, 
u 350 

Knox, Captain John, on Le Lou- 
tre’s character, i 262, on the 
embarkation of the Acadians, 
i 291 , on the failiue of the 
Louisbomg expedition, ii 161 , 
on the size of the Lomsbourg 
expedition, ii 261 , on the 
English landing st Douisbourg, 
11 266 , on the leception of 
the news of the faU of Louis- 
bonrg, u 283, 288; at Fort 
Cumberland, ui 31 , on the pro- 
vincials in Wolfe’s expedition 
to the St Iiawrence, iii 22, 
in the harbor of Louisbourg, iii. 
23, on Wolfe, in 35; on the 
French preparations to defend 
Quebec, in 37, 42 , on board the 
"Goodwill,” HI 46, 48, at the 
Island of Orleans, in 49, on 
the failnie of the French flre- 
ships. 111 53 , at Point Levi, m. 
56, 62 , on the desertions of the 
Canadians, iii 64, 65 , on Wolfe’s 
seventies, iii 68 , on Vandreuil’s 
second attempt to burn the 
English fleet, in 68, 69 ; on the 
losses of the grenadiers and 



the Roj nl Americans, ni 75 j on 
tlie lopnlhB ut tiio English .it 
Huiitnioiouci, 111 7G , on Am- 
heist’s cxpliiro of TicoiKlcioga, 
111 83, on the bicjre oi Nugni.x, 
ill 89 , oil the Li'iu'lly of i^iont,- 
gomciy,, ill 105, on tliu illness 
of VVoliu, 111 109 , on the 
force of Wolfo, in 131 , in 
122 , on Wolte’a .isccnl of the 
Heights of Abialiam, in IJO, 
on the (lo.itli of Wolfe, in 111, 
on tlie foice of tlie IDiiglibli ami 
Erench at the b.ittle of l^uoboc, 
in Ul, 112, on the last woida 
of Montcalm, iii. ISO, on the 
Cdiiadi<iu ladies, in 174, his 
quaitois at Qnehoc, in 174, 
on tlie hospital iniiis, III 175, on 
the Quebec winter, in 179 j 
on the iviptuie of Lu ('alv.uro, 
ill 182, on the e\]iloils of 
ll.won's i.uigers, in 183, on the 
flglit ,vt Slo -hiv. III 1 95 i oil the 
ariival of loliof at (inobec, in 
201, oil the biittlo ol hto-l'oy, 
in SOI , on Mnnay's adyaiico, 
III 209 , an o\oelh>nt lover of 
the piiUiiCMiiie, III 210, on 
Miiviav at Isle St-Tbeihso, 
in, 212, on Ainlioist'a ospedi- 
tioii agiiinst ('niiada, lii 214, 
on the c.i]itiiio ut Fort Levis, tii 
216 , on the losses at Ticondor- 
oga, III. 280 i oil the force of 
the Fieiich and Eiiglisli at Que- 
bec, ni, 236, on the dc<ith and 
burial of Montcalm, 111 290, on 
the stioiigtb of the Fioiich and 
Kuglisli at tlie battle of hto- 
Foy, 111 293 

Kollii, Freileiic of Prussia de- 
feated at, ii 244 

Knnersdori, the I’lossians defeated 
at, >11 2S8. 

Knshivnabkoo, the Delaware town 
ol, I’ubt at, 11 , 353 

La Hakoloiv, ii 146 

I,a Belle Fiimillo, in 90 

“La Bello iiiviiiie,” see Ohio 
/fil'd, the 

La CIniio, i, 41 , ii 116, 209, 212 , 
Ainlioibt hinds at, in 217, 219 

Lii Clue, Adiiniiil, n 254, held 
luipiisouod .it Toulon by Oa- 
boiii, II 2 iS 

La Coiuioiandihre, see Fteshwater 

La Corno, Saiut-Lnc de, i 107, 
sent with tioops to Briniiiujour, 
1 120, at Moiitcoliii's gland 
couiiLil, II, 175, 111 !Moiitcalm's 
expedition, ii IPO, 191, 106, 
197 , 11 328 , sent to the St. 
Lnwieiuo, iii ,96, 39, attacks 
I’rnloaiTV, in 85 , ivoiindcd, in 
85, 111 207, 217 , sails for 
hhaiu'c, ill 230 j sliipwipcked, 
III 231 , hiH woinloilul escape, 
HI 231 

Tai Dciiioisi'lli', cbint of the Mi- 
nnas, 1 51, Ins niloiviow with 
Bienville, i. 54 , rouonuh Gist, i 
60, makes a ticiity with tlie 
English, I 60, loliisos to listen 
to the I'leiiLh, i bO, (il , a mov- 
iii!> epiiit of dis.irfectioii, i. 88, 
iitimked liy Lnngliidr, i 89, 
boiled and eaten by the victors, 
I 90 

Ladies, the Canadian, in, 174. 

La Faro, Mnnints de, ii 44 

La Friponne, n 226 

La (lalotCo, Vnllwv Piquet’s mis- 
bum. 111 . 215 

La Galissonibio, Marquis do, gov* 
oriior ol Canada, i 23, 24 , sketch 
of, 1 39; the chief representa- 
tive of the American policy is 

INDEX. 843 

Erance, i 39, sends Bienville 
into the valley of the Ohio, i 
40 , his message to the Senecas, 
1 47 , houoiably recalled, i 82 , 
Erench commissionei on the 
question of American bonndacies 
between Fiance and England, i 
1S8, 139 
La Haye, i 276 
Laind, 11 333 
Laud, Matthew, i 233 
La Jonquibie, Maiquis de, gov- 
ernor of Canada, i 45, 69 , Fa- 
ther Piquet’s letter to, i 71 , on 
Toronto, i 74, his estimate of 
Bienville, i 81 , succeeds La 
Galiasonibre, i 82 , characteris- 
tics of, 1 82 , instructed to de- 
stroy Oswego, 1 83 , correspond- 
ence between Governor Clinton 
and, 1 83, 84, advises building 
forte near Lake Eiie, i 85 , hia 
advice rejected, i 85, troubles 
of, 1 85, 86 , complains against 
Bienville, i 86 , death of, i 86 , 
1 88, 89 , the determined adver- 
sary of the Enghsh, i 99, his 
despatch on the required Aca- 
dian oath of allegiance, i 102, 
103, encouidges the Acadions 
to seek asylum on French soil, 
1 103, harasses the English of 
Halifax, 1 103 , letters &om Le 
Lontre to, i 103, his covort 
war, 1 104, 105, 107, 108, on 
the English occupation of Beau- 
bassin, 1 120, on the landing of 
Lawrence at Beaubassin, i 121 ; 
strange proclamation of, i, 126 , 
on the tioupes de la maiine,u 
56 , receives instructions for the 
destruction of Oswego, iii 264, 
on Le Lontre, iii 267 , on hav- 
ing the Acadians join the Indi- 
ans against the English, iii 267. 

I Lake George, the battle of, i. 302, 
I 316-320, losses in, 1 . 323 
Lake of Two Mountains Indians, 
the, join the French against the 
English, 1 159 
Lakes, the, iii 95, 208 
Lakes, the northern, i 217 
Lsdaude, on the Abbe Fiqnet, i 71 
Laleriie, the mmsionary, at Beau- 
babsin, 1 122 
“La Liberte,” ii 145 
La Mole, 111 170 

La Motte, Admiral Dnbois de, 
ordered to Canada, i 189, 192, 
at Lomshonrg, ii 159, 160 
La Motte, Captain, iii 146 
“La Mutine," the French frigate, 
1 106 

Lancaster, i 207, 236 , iii 224 
L’Ange Gaidien, the parish of, iii. 

58, bniued by Wolfe, lu 104 
Laiigis, at Montcalm’s grand coun- 
cil, u 175 

Langlade, Charles, at Detroit, i 
89, attacks the Demoiselle, r 
89, takes his captive traders to 
Duqueene, i 90 , highly praised 
by Duqnesne, i. 90, r. 217, at 
Montcalm’s grand council, ii 
175, the partisan, at Quebec, 
in 59, letter from "Vandrenil 
to. III 218 , author of Braddock’s 
defeat, iii 273. 

Languedoc, ii 144. 

Langnedoc, the battalion of, or- 
dered to Canada, i 189 , cap- 
tured by the English, i 193 , i 
310 , at Ticonderoga, ii 62, 66 ; 
Ldvis in command of, II 165, in 
Montcalm’s expedition, ii 179 j 
at Ticonderoga, ii 310, at Qne- 
boc, III 135 

Langy, ii. 293 , at Ticonderoga, ii 
294, 300, 301, 302, attacks 
Howe’s column, ii. 303, 



La Paille Conpi$e, Senoca village 
of, 1 47 

La Pause, M! do, ii! 21<), S20. 

La I’erndo, Clievalioi do, at Eoit 
Duqiiosuo, 1 218. 

La I’liuito, at Muatcalin's giond 
cnuneil, li 175 

La. Piauio, it 145 

La Prdsoiit.itiou, Piquet's mission 
of, I CQ, loiatum of, i 00, de- 
scription of, 1 70 ; 1 . 74, 76, 79 , 
11 58 , Auilicrst’s expedition at, 
lii 215 , li 353 

La Beino, the battalion of, ordeiod 
to Canada, i 189 , captuied by 
the English, i 193 , i 310 , at 
Ticoudeioga, n 62, Levis in 
command of, ii 165, in Mont- 
calm’s expedition, li 179; at 
Ticondeioga, ii 310 

La Bochebcaucoui, M . de, see 
Bmtteaur, Lu Rnclif 

LaSarro, the rogiment of, destined 
for Canada, ii 49 ; guards Port 
Eroiitonnc, ti 02 ; in tlie expedi- 
tion against Csvrego, ii 96;LdTis 
in command of, it, 105 , in Mont- 
calm’s expedition, ii 180; at 
Ptconderogo, ti 310; at Quebec, 
iii 135 

Loscelles’ regiment, at Quebec, iti. 
75, 76 

LaSa^do, lii 187 

“La Suporbe,” it. 146. 

Lander, Sir Thomas Dick, on the 
legend of Ticondcroga, m 

Laurel Dill, Washington at, i 150; 
Qist makes a setllonieut at, i. 
161, 167, Villiers at, 1. 161, u 
319, 350. 

La Vallibre, on the fight at Beau- 
basBiu, 1 , 122 , on the miudei of 
Howe, 1 , 124. 

Lawrence, Major Charles, sncceods 

Hopson as governor of Halifax, 
1 118, sent to lio.inb<issin with 
troops, 1 121 , lo-oniliaiks, i 121 ; 
lotnins to Boanbassin, i 1 21 , de- 
feats Le Loiitic and Ins Indians, 
1 122; 1 12b, plots .igaiust the 
Eiciidi, 1 199, on the Piench 
designs ag.unst the English, i 
248, hciids MoncUoii to Button, 
1 218, Shirloy nlfers to assist 
him against the Fionch, i 249; 
actne piepai.itiuns, i 254; i 
260, eh.uauteiistics of, i 266, 
on the obstinacy of the Aca- 
dians, 1 267 , exacts an unquali- 
fied oath of allegiance fiom the 
Acadians, i. 270; the Acadians 
refuse to take the o.ith, i 273; 
deteiminod to i educe the Aca- 
diims to compliance, i 273 , 
oiileis Monckton to seize the 
Acodintis, 1 270, his instmc- 
tions to Winslow, i 279, 280. 
Ins disposition of the Aendmns, 
1 292, 11 253; reconnoitres at 
Louisbonrg, li. 262; makes a 
landing, ii 265; ni 3>1, 70. 

Lawrence, Pint, i 123, 125, 126, 
French designs upon, i. 248, 
250, Moiii'kton at, i 257. 

Lenmed, Cmitnin, ii 92. 

Le Bhtard, Etiuiiiie, lures Captain 
IIowo into an ambush, i 123. 

Le Bojuf, Fort, i 133; the Half- 
King at, i 135, 1 1.36; Saint- 
Pierie oriivoa at, i 186 , Wash- 
ington at, 1 . 189, 148, 221, 308 , 
n 869, HI 87; burned by the 
French, iii 90 

Le Burgno, Chevalier, ii. 232 ; hi. 

Le Brun, the frescoes of, t. 14. 

Le Calvaiie, French post at. Hi. 
182, captured by MacDonald, 
lii 182 



Legge, Chancellor of the Ex- 
cheqner, iii, 239 

Le Guerne, nuseionory at Fort 
Cninberland, on the conjugal 
devotion of the Acadians, i 291 

lie Loutie, Lome Joseph, Vicar 
General of Acadia and mission- 
ary to the Micmacs, i 103 , his 
letters to La Jonquihre, i, 103 , 
1 104 ; advises the Acadians not 
to take the oath of allegiance, i 
105 , engaged by Desherbiers to 
distribute gifts among the Indi- 
ans, I, 107 ; his mission, i 108 , 
keeps the Acadians in allegiance 
to King Lonis, i 109; receives 
a pension, i 109, chief agent 
in stimulating Acadian emigra- 
tion, 1 113, 114, sketch of, i 
118, the most conspicnons per- 
son in the province, i 118, a 
despot towards the Acadians, i 
118, his masterful dealing with 
the Acadian clergy, i 119, con- 
sidered too violent by the Bishop 
of Quebec, i. 119, Cornwallis 
offers a reward for the head of, 
1 119, at Beaubassin, i 121, 
burns Beauhaasm, i 121, 122, 
his hatred of Captain Howe, i 
123, Captain Howe treacher- 
ously murdered by the Indians 
of, 1 123, 124, his harshness to 
the Acadians, i 126; absurd 
letter of, i 126, threatens the 
Acadians, i 127, 244; shares 
the control of Beausbjour, i 
248 , asked by Duquesne to find 
a pretext for attacking the Eng- 
lish, 1 248 , his power at Fort 
Beausdjonr, i 252, supported 
by Dnqnesne, 1 252, nicknamed 
“Moses," 1 252; possesses an 
ingredient of honest fanaticism, 
1 . 252, threatens the Acadians, 

1 253; sustained by Tergor, i, 
253 , in the attack on Fort Bean* 
sdjonr, i 259 , his flight, i 261 ; 
at Quebec, i 261 , embarks for 
France, i 261 , captured by the 
English, 1 261 , narrow escape 
of,i 261 ; hiB remarkable charac- 
ter for inhumanity, i 262 , i. 
265, letter to La Jonqmbze 
fiom. III 265, 266, cost of his 
intrigues, m 267, 268 ; liis pay- 
ments for Enghsh scalps, iii. 

Le Maichant, Sir Dems, on the 
Heights of Abraham, iii 138; 
on Pitt's resignation, m 244. 

Lo Mercler, Chevalier, at Fort 
Duqnesne, i 159, 160; in the 
attack on Fort Necessity, 1 163, 
chief of the Canadian artillery, 
n 137, his interview with Major 
Eyre,!! 137 ; at Oswego, ii 149; 
ii 224 , his knavery exposed by 
Montcalm, ii 240, li. 293; ar* 
rested, in. 231. 

Lenfaut, i 14 

Lenisse, Madame de, ii 146 

“ Ldopard," the, n 49 

Lepaon, i 14 

Lery, the engineer, draws a plan 
of Detroit, i 81 ; sent by Van- 
dieuil against Fort Bull, li 61 , 
destroys Fort Bull, u 62 

Leslie, Lieutenant, on the battle 
of Monongahela, i. 227. 

Les Mines, 1 . 113 

Lesser Onontio, the, see Gnontib 

Leuthen, Fredeno of Prussia, de- 
feats the Austrians at, li 245, 

Le Verrier, in command at Michi- 
limackinac, ii 235, makes his 
fortnne, ii 235 

Len, Point, in, 54; seized by 
Wolfe, lii. 55, 58, 61, 62, 63, 65, 



66, 70, 71, 72, 74, 106, 113, 117, 
118, 120, 123, 121, 181 , English 
outpost ostablislied at, iii 181 ; 
attacked by Eionch skirmichors, 
m 181 ; in. 290 

Levies, the Now England, 11 71-73 

"Le Viouj. Montreal,” in 218 

Ldvis, Chovaliei do, on the death 
of Jumonvillo, i. 156 , named 
second in command to Mont- 
calm, ii 46; Montcalm’s foud- 
ncBS lor, 11 49 , at Brest, ii 50 , 
in Canada, ii. 69 , at Montieal, 
ii 62; hastens to Ticondoiogo, 
11 64 , in command at Ticonder- 
oga, 11 . 6S , Montcalm’s high es- 
timate of, li 65 , his estimate of 
Montcalm, ii 66 , left in chaige 
of Ticondoroga, ii 94; ii 143, 
144, 145, 146, 152, 154, in com- 
mand of the battalions at Ticon- 
docoga, 11 165 , in Montcalm's 
expedition, li 178, 179, 180, 182, 
187, 189; on the massacre at 
Eort William Henry, ii. 202, 
203 ; on the population of 6oi> 
man Elnts, il 211 , at Montreal, 
11 212; lecommended by Vau- 
dreuil to succeed Montcalm, ii. 
213, quells the mob at Mont- 
real, II 214, his account of 
Bogers’ light, 11 220 ; captivated 
by Madame Fouissoault, ii 233 ; 
il, 292, 293 ; summoned to Q?i- 
conderoga, li. 294 ; at Ticoudei- 
Oga, 11 310, 316, 317, 318, 334 ; 
made major-geneial, iii 14, at 
Quebec, ill. 68, 59, 60 , bis prep- 
arations for defence, iii 72 ; scut 
to Montreal, lii 02; his lettoi 
to Bomlaniaqne, 111 96; Quebec 
weakened by the absence of, ui 
108, Montcalm’s piaise of, ili. 
162 ; arrives at Quebec, iii. 166 , 
his plans, lii 167 ; his letter to 

Bougainville, iii 168,' on the 
loss of Montcalm, in 158, 
leaches St Augustine, iii 159 ; 
Icaiiis that Quoboo has sni ren- 
dered, 111 159; at Jac(pics-Car- 
ticr. 111 152; rumois of his 

approach to stoim Quebec, lii 
180, hopes to lecovei Quebee, 
lii 185, sets out against Qne- 
bOL, 111 186 , his foico, in 187 ; 
attacks Old Loictto, in 187 , 
before Sto-Eoy, in 187, 188, 
attacked by Mnnay, in 193; 
the battle, iii 105, on the Eronch 
losses at Sto-Fuy, in 197 ; asks 
for aid from Fiance, in 199 ; 
exchanges courtesies with Mur- 
ray, 111 200 ; dcstiuction of his 
ships, in 202 , inisos the siege of 
Quebec, in 203 , his retreat, iii 
203 , on tho battle of Ste -Foy, 
111 . 204, oxpits Inmholf for de- 
fence, m 207, at Montreal, iii 
211 ; 111 212 ; Ins lolations with 
Vandiouil, iii 213, in 216,210; 
his iirotcst against cnpitnlating, 
in 221, lotuiiis to Finiico, in 
230, iii 271, 275, 279; on tho 
losses at Ticondoroga, in. 280; 
on tho force of tho French and 
English at Quebec, iii 286 , on 
tho battle of Quebec, in 287 ; 
on the strength of tho Fiench 
and English at tho battle of 
Ste -Foy, iii 293 

Ldvis, Fort, Fouchot in command 
at, III 216, attacked by Am- 
hoist, iii 216; surrenders to the 
English, 111 216 

Lewis, Major, ii 347 , in Grant’s 
expedition, ii 360, 862, oap- 
tuiod by tho Fiench, ii 3b3. 

'* Licoine," the, li 49 ; Montcalm 
and Bougainville sail for New 
France in, ii. 60. 



Liegnitz, Eredeiic of Prnssia vio- 
toTioua at, m 235 
Lighthouse Point, ii 258, Wolfe 
at, 11 267, 268 

Ligneits, Captain, at Port Du- 
qnesne, i 216 , m the battle of 
Monongahela, i 224, 229, in 
command at Port Duqneane, ii 
360, 11 360, uncomfoitablc po- 
sition of, II 364, deserts Port 
Dnqnesne, li 368, 369, in 8, 
snmmoued to Fouchot’s aid, iii 
87, responds, iii 88, captnred 
by the English, in 90 , pension 
asked for, ill 270 , in. 271, 272 , 
receives the Cross of the Order 
of St. Lams, ni 273 
Ligonier, Geuoial, urges that An- 
napolis ought to be defended, i 

Ligomer Bay, 111 94 
Lindcsay, Lieutenant, on the bmld- 
ing of Port Prontenac, i 77 
"Lis,” the, i 192, attacked and 
overpowered by the English, i 

L’lsle-Dleu, Abbd de, i 98, 111, 
129, on Washington's attack 
on JumonriUe, i. 156 
Llsmahago, the, of Smollett, i 165 
Littlehales, on the capture of 
Oswego, 11 104 

Little Meadows, the, Biaddock’s 
army at, i 213 

Little Niagara, Port, Joncaire- 
Chahert m command at, iii 86 , 
burned, iii 86. 

Livingston, William, on William 
Johnson, i. 327 , on the Shirley- 
Johnson-Delaneey dispute, li 
14 , on the weak condition of 
the colonies, n 106 
Livingston, manor of, i 35 
Lloyd, John, letter from Campbell 
to. 111 . 174. 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, on the social 
condition of the colomes, L 

Logstown, 1 49 , a chief resort for 
English traders, i 50, Gist at, 
1 67, tieaty at, i 64, Wash- 
ington at, 1 138 
London, i 9 , in 241, 249 
“London Chronicle,” the, ii 328 
“London Magazine,” on tbe fail- 
nre of the Louisbonrg expedi- 
tion, u 161 , on the impoitauce 
of Indian assistance, n 173; on 
the siege of Lonisbourg, ii, 287 ; 
on the Niagara expedition, ii. 
12, on the capture of Oswego, 
ii 103; on the battle of Ste- 
Poy, 111 204, on the losses qt 
Ticonderoga, iii 280 
London, the Cabinet of, tii, 16 
London, the Tower of, in 241 
“Long Honse,’'tbe, of the Pive 
Nations, i 67 
Long Island, ii 205 
Long Sant, the, Amherst descends, 
ill 217 

Longueuil, Baron de, temporarily 
sncceeds La Jonquibre as gov- 
ernor of Canada, i 86, on the 
perils of the Prench, i 87 88 , 
on the English traders, i 88, 
on the attack on Pickawillany, 
1 90,1 107, correspondence be- 
tween Girard and, i 111 , at 
Port Dnqnesne, i 1 60 , at Mont- 
calm’s grand council, ii 175; 
u 292, lii 101 

Longneuil (younger), among the 
Mission Indians, ii 164 
Long Wharf, at Boston, i. 266. 
Lonsdale, Lord, iii 30 
Loppinot, at Lonisbourg, li. 976; 
277, 279 

Lorambec, ii 262, 268 
Loramie Creek, i. 54. 



Lords of the Admirnlty, the, i 
188, 192 

Lords of Trado and 1’lantntions, 
the, letters fiom Dnmiddie to, 
l 145, 165, 1G8, 184, letters 
from llolaucey to, t, 174, ur^e 
treaties to ho made with the 
Indians, r 179, r 267, latter 
from Lawrence to, r 273 , John- 
son writes to, 1 306, Johnson 
ruveiglis against Shirley’s Indian 
agents to, ii 12, 13 , on the 
grant made hy Paih.iinout for 
Shirley’s new campaign, li 69; 
letter from Hardy to, ii 103 
Lords of the Treasury, the, ii 69 
Loiotte, i 216; 11 68; iii 128, 
152, Ilazen’s rangers at, ui 

Lonmrer, at Montedm’s grand 
council, 11 175. 

Loring, Captain, in 83, 93 
Lossing, on Bradstioet’s Tight, ii 
83 I 

Lothinibre, on the defeat of Brad- 
dock, 1 229 , a Canadian engi- 
neer, for tides Ticoiideioga, it 60, 
64, 66 ; II 293. 

Loudon, Earl of, supersedes Slur- 
ley as commander-in chief, li. 
70, confused hy tho indepen- 
dent committees, ii 74 , per- ! 
snados tho colnnios to give up 
their independent committees, 
11 . 74; on Vilhor’s expedition 
ngainst Oswego, ii 81 , moats 
Shirley in Now Tork, ii 86 ; 
characteristics of, ii 86 ; leaehos 
Albany, ii 87 , tin ns his whole 
force against Ticondoroga, ii 
87 ; his meeting with Winslow, 
ii 87 ; his condict with the New 
England officers, ii 87; exam- 
> ines the state of the provincial 
forces, 11 . 88, correspondence 

of, ii. 88 ; Bin ton’s report on 
the piovincial camps to, ii 88, 
89, iciiiforcos Oswego, ii 93, 
accuses Khirley of leaving Os- 
wego weakly gariisoucd, ii 101; 
on the laptuio of Oswego, li 
10.3, uot,i Scipiu, ii 107, blames 
tihuloy foi tho loss of Oswego, 
II 107 , himself to Iihime foi tho 
loss of Oswego, II 107, Frank- 
lin’s opinion of tho campaign of, 
II 108 ; size of his command, ii 
108, at Fort Edwaid, ii 108; 
11 115, 116, 122, Ills sarcastic 
letter to the colonial minister, li. 
126 , donnuids free quarters for 
his tioops, li 127 , opposition to 
Ins demands, ii 128, Major 
Eyie’s report to, ii 186, 139; 
11 149 , mges on expedition 
against Lomsbonig, u 157 , lays 
an embargo on (olonial ship- 
ping, 11 168; impatient at IIol- 
bomiio’s delay, 11 1.58, sots sail 
with his force, ii 159, moots 
Ilulbonrnc at linlifnx, ii 159; 
abnndoiiR his oiiloiprise, ii 160, 
li 173, 185, 186, 190, leccivos 
news that Foil William Homy 
is c-iptuicd, li 201; his boasts, 
11 204 ; Ins oidois to Webb, ii 
204; 111 Now Yoik, ii. 205, on 
Bolfitro’s c.impnigii, li. 210; ii, 
214 ; manifold fmliues of, 11 250; 
recalled by I’ltt, ii 253 , cost to 
MnssacluiBotts of tho expedition 
of, II 290 ; il 335, 839 , iii. 226 ; 
letter fiom Webb to, in 276 
TjOUis XIII , iindt to govern, i 17 
Loins XV , breaks tho traditionary 
policy of Fiance, i 4 ; America 
owes much to tho imbecility of, 
1 5 , his generals, i 12 , at Ver- 
sadlos, i 13, revives the per- 
secution of the Hnguenots, i 



16; the manifold ills of Erance 
gammed up m, i 16 , deacnption 
of, 1 16, 1 7 , stmts Madame de 
Pompadour in nothing, i 18; 
orders Dinwiddie to repel invad* 
era from Tirgmia, i 143 , makes 
the A.cadians his tools and then 
his victims, 1 295, shares Ma- 
dame de Pompadour’s hatred for 
Prederic the Great, ii 41 ; small- 
ness of the foice given to Mont- 
calm b 7, 11 46 , responsible for 
the loss of Canada, m 223, in 

Loaishonrg, capture of, 1 31;i.301, 
302 , the battalions of Artois and 
Bourgogne at, ii, SS, English 
prepaiations against, ii 157, 
Pranceprepares a strong defence, 
u 157 , the English expedition 
abandoned, ii 160, Pranqnct 
sent to strengthen, ii 222 ; Pitt's 
plan to capture, ii 253, 254, 
location of, ii 258; description 
of, li 258 , condition of the for- 
tress, II 259 , Its garnsou, ii 259 ; 
signs of the enem^, ii. 260, 
Drucour governor of, ii 261 , 
the siege, ii 267 , capitulates, u 
280, the English in possession 
of, 11 . 280 1 Whitmore made gov- 
ernor of, u. 281 ; 11 371 , 111 17, 
22,WoUe’s fleet at, iii 23, 32; 
111 30, abandoned and dis- 
mantled, iii 209 

Ziomsbourg, fortress of, i 96 , re- 
stored to Prance by the Treaty 
of Utrecht, i 96, made more 
formidable, i 96, Deshcibiers 
in command at, i. 105, Count 
Baymondin command at, 1 . 106 , 
i. 192, 246, 247, 251, 256, 260 

lAuisbonrg expedition, the. Colo- 
nel Jeffrey Amheist placed m 
command of, li 253 , size of the 

English force in, ii, 261; at- 
tempts at landing, ii. 263, a 
landing effected, ii. 265, 266, 
the siege begun, II 267 ; burning 
of the Prench fleet, ii 272 , con- 
flagration m the citadel, il 273 ; 
de^orable position of the be- 
sieged, 11 274 , the end near, ii. 
275, Diucour offers to capitu- 
lato,ii 276, negotiations, u 277; 
the articles of capitulation, u 

Lonisbonrg grenadiers, the, on the 
Heights of Abraham, lii 140, 
in Quebec, iii 161 , m 286 
Lomaiana, i 22; population of, i. 
23, 1 26, 39, 42, 43, 77, 85, 88; 
the Acadian exiles in, i 293; 
■paudreml governor of, li 53 ; 
swamps of, ih 18, ceded to 
Spam by Prance, in 263 
Louisiana mihtia, the, at LoyaL 
banuon, ii. 864. 

Louisville, 1 62 
Lonvigny, li. 146. 

Lowend^, General, i. 12 
Lower Town (Quebec), the, set on 
fire by the English hatteiies, iii 
108, Wolfe’s plan to attack, in 
110, iii 159, 172, 179, 188,199, 
201 . 

“Lowestoffe,” the, brings relief to 
Quebec, iii. 201, 202 
Lowry, reward offered for the 
scalp of, 1 84 

Lowther, ICatheiine, betrothed to 
Wolfe, 111 30, 127 
Iioyalhannon Creek, ii 350, 357, 
359, 363, 364, 365, 366, 

Lumma, Faiibn de, on Washing- 
ton’s attack on Jumonville,i 155 
Lnsignan, commandant at Ticon- 
deroga, ii 138 

Lutherans, the, m Pennsylvania^ i 
33, m New York, i 36, 



IiQtterberg, the battle of, li 252 
iLyding, a Dutch trade) , in coire- 
epoudouce with the ^enoh, ii. 

Lyman, Geiieial Phineas, in Shir- 
ley’s expedition against Giown 
Point, 1 SOI , at the Great Cai^ 
ryiug Place, i 305 , m tlie battle 
of Lake George, i 317, nigos 
Johnson to capture Ticouderoga, 

1 324, Johnson 3 ealona of, i 
326, presides at Johnson’s toiin- 
cilof war, i 326 , Johnson makes 
no mention of, i. 327 , at Port 
Edwaid, 11 88 , 89, 90. 

Lyman, Port, i 305 , Blanchard at, 
1 305; Johnson at, i 306, the 
Mohawks at, i 307 ; i 309 ; Dies 
kau resolves to attack, i 309 , i 
310,311, 312; preparations for 
dofenco, i. 315 , i 320 , name 
changed to Port Edward, i 327 
Lyman’s provincial regiment, ii 
90 ; at Ticonderoga, ii. SOI, 303, 
Lyons, ii. 47 
Lyon’s Cove, i. 278. 

Macamubt, Captaik, ill 188 
MoLanley, Lieutenant, on the cap- 
ture of Poll Prontonne, ii 338. 
McBiyer, Andiow, escapes fiom 
Pique Town, i 90 
Macdonald, Captain, in Grant’s 
expedition, ii 361 
MacDonald, Captain Donald, sent 
agoiust Le Cdvaire, iii 182 , his 
success, iii 182 ; at Ste 'Poy, iii 
193, 195. 

McDonough, Thomas, lii 289. 
Machanlt, the ministei, i 15; a 
favorite of Madame do Pompa- 
dour, i 17;ii. 219 
Machanlt, Port, ii 368 
Machanlt, see Amouville, Mit- 
cAau/t d’. 

McGmnis, Captain, at Port Ly< 
man, 1 , 320 , mortally wounded, 
I 320 

Mackay, Captain, in command of 
the logiilais, i 167, 111 trouble 
with the volniiteeis, 1 157 ; ar 
rives at Gist’s setlleniciit, 1 168 ; 
in the fight at Great Meadows, 
1 IbS on the (.apilnhition at 
Port Necessity, 111 , 269 

Mackellar, Major Patrick, the 
engineei, on the English losses 
in the battle of Moiiongahela, 
1 228, 229, on the defences at 
Oswego, 11 . 84, 107 , at Quebec, 
ill 49 

Mackenzie, Captain, in Grant’s ex- 
pedition, 11 361 

M’Kiuiiey, describes Port Du- 
qnesne, i 216 

Maclcane, Allan, on the siege of 
Niagara, 111 87. 

McMullen, Liontonant, iii 97. 

Macnainnia, Admiral, ordered to 
Canada, 1 1 89. 

MncVicar, Anne, nt Albany, 11 
4, hoi locolloctioiis of Albany, 
it 4, 5 

Madnwoska, 1 294. 

Malion, Lord, on the incapacity of 
Kubinson, 1 186. 

Maillaid, missionary on Cape 
Breton,] 110; receives a pen- 
sion, 1 110 ; on the murder of 
Captain Howe, i 124 

Maillobois, Mardchal de, i 12 , in 
Italy, 11 45 

Maine, State of, 1 23, 120 

Malarlic, 11 126 ; ou the defeat of 
the rangers, 11 133; on the 
embassy from the Pive Nations, 
ii 166, oil the importance of 
Indian assistance, 11 173 ; diary 
of, 11 , 202 , on the defences at 
Ticonderoga, ii. 308 ; il. 334 , on 

INDEX. 851 

Montcalm's anxiety, in 135 ; on 
the battle on the Heights of 
Abraham, iii 139 , on the plans 
of Liivis, 111 157 , on the battle 
of Quebec, in 287 
Malicites from Acadia, at Mont- 
calm's grand conncil, ii 174. 
Manath, the missionary, i 261 , 
letter from Boishdbert to, i 

Manila, English attack planned 
on. 111 247, 249 
Manitou, the, ii 167 
Mann, Sir Horace, letters from 
Walpole to, 1 196 , ambassador 
at Elorence, in 168 
Mansfield, i 10 

Mante, Major Thomas, on the 
pressure brought to force the 
Fennsylvauia Assembly to pass 
measures of war, ii 34; on 
Bradstreet's Eight, ii 83, on 
the failure of the Houisbourg 
expedition, n 161 , on the size 
of the English ionce m the 
Loiusbonrg expedition, ii 261 , 
on the landing of the English 
at Louisbourg, ii 266, on the 
negotiations for capitulation at 
Lomsbourg, li 277 ; on the siege 
of Lomsbourg, ii 287 ; his plan 
of the siege opeiatious, u 288 , 
on the death of Howe, ii 304 , 
on Wolfe, 111 35, on the re- 
pulse of the English at Mont- 
morenci, m 76, on Amherst’s 
force at Lake George, lii 78 , on 
Amherst’s capture of Ticonder- 
oga, ill 82 , on the suCeimgs of 
Rogers’ rangers, iii. 101 , on the 
battle of Ste -Eoy, iii 205 ; on 
Murray at Isle St-Thdrhse, iii 
212; on Amherst’s expedition 
against Canada, ui 214 , on the 
capture of Eort Ldris, ui 216, 

on the capture of Havana, in. 

Marcel, lii 274, 

Margry, n 57 

Maria Theresa, of Austria, daugh- 
ter of Chailes VI , i 21 , claim- 
ants for the possessions of, i 
21, her memorable appeal, i. 
21, 22, devotion of hei Hun- 
garian nobles, i 22 , her hatred 
for Eredeiic the Great, u 39 , 
Erederic the Great rubs her of 
Silesia, u 39, joins herself m 
secret league with Russia, ii 
40, the recovery of Silesia her 
ruling passion, ii 40 , courts the 
alliance of France, ii 40 ; makes 
advances to Madame de Pom- 
padour, II 40, ready to attack 
Erederic of Prussia, ii. 243 , ui 

Marigalante, the Island of, re- 
stored by England, iii 252 

Mann, the famous partisan, l 
92, in command of the Ohio 
enterprise, i 134, indefatigable 
laboiB of, i 134, m extremity, 
i. 134; his interview with the 
Half-Ring, i 135 , sees that his 
work must remain half done, i. 
136, i 142, II 66, 117, 118, 
makes a dash at Eort Edward, 
II 173, at Montcalm’s grand 
council, 11 175, II, 221, official 
knavery of, ii 231, 234; attacks 
Rogers, ii 329, 330, the battle 
near Eort Anne, ii 331 , saves 
Putnam's life, ii 333 , lii 5 , 
summoned to Ponchot's aid, lu 
87; captured by the Enghsh, 
HI 90 

Morin, Madame, ii 224 

Marine and Colonial Department, 
the, Amonville at the bead of, 
i 186. 



Marolles, on tho siege of Louis- 
bouig, u S87 

“ Mairiage & U Mode," I 9 
Marsh, Di Feres, on tho battle of 
Lake George, i 310, aS2 
Marshall, O II., on tho plates 
buried by Biemille, i 61 
Marshfield, 1 S55 
Martel, tho King’s storekeeper, at 
Montreal, ii 212, 225,234, trial 
of, 11 241. 

Martin, on Montcalm, ii 46. 
Martin, Abialiam, ui 132 
Martin, Father, on tho responsi- 
bility foi tho Signal of hatchery 
at Fort William Henry, u.203 
Martin, Sergeant Joshua, wounded, 
11 132. 

Martinique, English attack planned 
on, 111 . 247 1 Bodney and Monck- 
ton attack, in 243 , in the hands 
of tho English, lii 248 ; restored 
by tho English, ih 252 
Maryland, tho colony of, i 28, SO ; 
Dinwiddle asks for aid against 
the French fioni, i 144j her ro- 
sponso, 1 174, sends commis- 
sioners to the Albany convention, 
i 179 j Sharpe, governor of, i. 
199, Braddock in, i 204, In- 
dian attacks on the border sot- 
tlemonls of, ii. 16; writhing 
undei border attacks, ii. 109 
Maryland troops, the, in Forbes’ 
expedition against Fort Du- 
qnosne, ii 340, 361 
Massachusetts, colony of, descrip- 
tion of, i 28 , almost independ- 
ent of the mother country, t 28, 
sends commissioners to Albany, 
I. 66; always leady to fight, i 
176; maintains her military 
reputation, i. 296, 267, grant 
made by Fmlianieiit to, ii. 69 ; 
delays in supporting Shirley’s 

grand scheme, ii 105, charges 
brought against, ii 290, Fow- 
nail's lepoit of the condition of, 
11 . 290, laiHos men for Abei- 
cromliie, n 291 , her wai-debt, 
11 291. 

Massachusolts, Gonoial Court of, 
tho, Shiiley cautions of giving 
umbrage to, i 175; makes a 
laige grant to Bhiiley fur pio- 
tection ag.iinst the French, i 
175 ; makes an appropriation for 
an attack on Crown Point, i 
296, method of raising and 
equipping men, ii 72 

MnsBochnscttg regiment, the, with 
Aheiciombie, li 299, 

Mossaohusetta tioops, the, lay 
siege to Beansd 3 onr, t, 269, at 
Foit Lyman, l 316, 326. 

Massey, Colonel, in the siege of 
Niogarn, iii. 89 

Matheiet, missionary for the Nip- 
issings, at Montcalm’s giand 
council, li. 176 

Maumee Hivor, the, i 44, French 
foit on, 1 . 54, 56, 87, 89. 

Manrault, Alibd, iti, 98, 

Mum upas, Comte do, i 268 

Manriu, Franvois, u. 225 , his offl- 
eiol knavery, li, 227, 234, trial 
of, li 241 , arrested and tiled, 
ill 231 

Maurititts, Island of, owned by 
Fiance, 1 12 

Mu\en, the Fiussians defeated at, 
ill 2.34 

Mas. well, Thompson, ii 334; on 
tho Biifferings of liogers’ ran- 
gers, 111 101 

Mnyhew, Bev, Jonathon, on the 
future gieatncss of tho British- 
American colonies, iii 169 

Mavnard, Captain, on Bogers, ii, 



Sfazade, Madame, li 48 
Meadow Mountain, i 213 
“ Medicine men," Indian, ii 125. 
Mediteiianean, the, u 254 
Meech, Lieutenant, lands on the 
lahind of Uileans, in 42 
Mellen, Her John, ie]oicea ovei 
the fall of Canada, iii 224 
Memeramcook, feilile shoios of, 

I 125, 127 

Memphremagog, Lake, m 97, 99, 

Menominies, the, ii 95 , at Mont- 
calm’s giand council, ii 174 
Meicer, Colonel Hugh, in com- 
mand at Oswego, ii 84, ahan- 
dons Foct Ontaiio, ii 98 , death 
of, 11 . 100, at Fort Duquesne, 

II 3C9 , on the siege of Niagara, 
lit 87 

" Mermaid," the, i 238 
Merriman, Seigeaut, on the expe- 
dition against Titondetoga, lu 

Mexico, 1 12, 22. 

Mexico, the GuU of, i. 42, 212, 244 
Miami Indians, the, i 43 , village 
of, 1 54, BienviUe among, i 54, 
55 , Gist and Cioghan among, 
1 60, make a treaty with the 
Indians, i 60 , hearty in the 
English cause, i 62, English 
tradeis among, i 84, depiedjr 
tions of, 1 87, make humhle 
submission to the Fiench, i 135 , 
1 217, at filouUnlm's grand 
council, 11 174 , sent to the de- 
fence of Foit Duquesue, ii SDO, 
Miami Confederacy, the, La 13e- 
moiselle the great chief of, i 35 
Miami Bivei, the, i 43, 53 , Dien- 
ville ascends, i 53, i 59; the 
English on, i 88 
Michcl, Bonhomme, iii 153 
Michigan, Lake, 1 80, u 95, 

10L m —23 

Michilimackinac, the mission of, i. 
89, 11 163, 175, Lb Veriiei in 
command at, ii 2i3 , iii 91 
Michilimackinac, Fort, important 
position of, 1 80 

Miciuac Indians, the, i 26; Le 
Loulre, missionary to, i 111, 
118; at Beanhassin, i 121, 
treacherously mnider Captain 
Howe, 1 123, 124, 1 126, at 
Montcalm’s grand council, ii 
174, at Lonisbonig, u, 271, ui 

Milbank, Iilr , in 204. 

Mildmay, English commissioner 
on the question of American 
honndaiics between France and 
England, i 128 

Miller, Captain, 11 115; lu 177. 
ALnes, distiict of, i 244 
Mines Basin, i 230 
Mingoes, the, m the Ohio valley, 
1 43 ; i 40 , not heaity in the 
Eughsli cause, i 02 , Croglian 
sent to, i 63 , at Foit Duqnesne, 

I 217; set on by llumas to attack 
the holder settlements, ii 14, 
}om the English, ii 3.39 

Slmmca, gariison of, i 1 1 , i 39 , 
wrested from England, li. 243 , 
Tcstoied by France to England, 
lu 252 

Miquelon, the Island of, iii. 252 
Miranuchi, ii 286 
Muepoix, French ambassador at 
London,! 186, estimates of, i 
186, dissimulation,! 100, li 214 
Missaguash, the stream, i 120, 
123, 123, 244, 257 , ill 21 
Mission Indians, the, i 68 , ii. 58 ; 
Montcalm among, ii 163; tie- 
sciiption of, 11 167, I6S, de- 
Bciiption of the wot-feasts 

II 168, leinfoice Hehecourt, u. 
216 , haiharities of, u 353, 



Missisqnoi Bay, iii 96, 

Mississagaa, the, i 74; at Mont- 
calm’s gland oouncil, li 174. 
Mississippi liivoi, the, Eianco at 
tho mouth of, i 22 ; i 26, 27 ; 
ludian ti ihes of, i 43 , meadows 
of, 1 44 ; savages of, i. 4S ; i 46, 
S7, 130, 17li, 11, 21, 58, ui 18, 
2SI, 262, 253 

Mitchell, llr John, on England’s 
claims lu Aineiica, i. 131 
Mohawk expedition, Vnudicuil’s, 
11 202, 203 

Mohawk Indians, tho, i 31,69,93; 
aliQiutod by tho Dutch ot Al- 
hany, i 178; with Johnson, i 
300; at Eort Lyman, i. 307, 
i. 314, their ferocity m the 
battle of Lake George, i 320, 
821, vilhlges of, ii 6, it 13; 
pledge thoiuselves to the Eng- 
lish, 11 . 79, u 156; at Eort 
Edivaid, li 205; lu Piquet’s 
war-party, ui 203 
Mohawk llivoi, tho, i 31, 36, 6b, 
298; 11 4, Shiiloy on, ii 6; 
Eort IVillmms ImiU on, li 61, 
11. 62, 79, 80, <n, 209, 323, 336 
Mohawk Valley, the, u 292. 
Mohawk vilUgoH, tho, ii 6 
Mohegans, tho, attend tho convon- 
tiou at Easton, li. SSb 
Mohcg.uis fiom tho Hudson, tho, 
pledge thoihsolvos to tho Eng- 
lisli, ii. 79 

“ Molang," soo Marin 
Mole, soo Za Male, 

Mollwits, i 22. 

Monarchy, tho, in Erance, doolin- 
ing piostige of, 1 . 18 
Moncktoii, Lioutcmiiit-Colonol 
Bobert, in command of the 
Acadian ontorpiiso, i 201 ; or- 
dered to captnio Beausi'jnur, i 
203, sent to Boston hy Luw- 

lonce, 1 248, 2.64; m Shirley’s 
regiment, i 256 , at Eoit Law- 
rence, 1 257 , hoforo Eort Beau- 
eiqour, i 257; attacks Port 
Beausdjour, i, 258, at Boausd- 
]onr, 1 2b3, dotormiuos to re- 
move tho A radians, i 263, his 
coiiditions, I 264-200, motives 
of hiB Bovoio sontoiice, i, 265; 
ordered to seize tho Acadians, 

I 276, hiB curt treatment of 
■Winslow, 1 277 , 1 290, 291 , de- 
spatched to tho Bay of Eundy, 

II 284, in Wolfe's oxpeihtion, 
in 83; at Quebec, iii 65, his 
proclamation, in 56, ui 68; 
letter fiom Wolfe to, in. 109, 
iii 117 ; on tho Iloighta of Abror 

h. im, 111 133, 138 ; wounded, ui 
148, 161, joins Rodney in the 
attack on Mnitiniqno, iii 248; 
on tho foico of tho Eionoh and 
English at Quoboc, in 28b , in. 

Monrkton’s brigade, at Qnohoc, iii 
65, 73 ; in tho battle of Quebec, 
in. 142 

"Monmouth," tho, captures the 
“ Eoudioyaiit,” li, 256 

Monoiigahola, tho hattlo of, i 
223-227 ; tho English losses, i, 
227, 228 , after the battle, 
1. 230, 231 , the Eronch losses, 

i. 231 

Moiiongaliola River, tho, Wash- 
ington on, i 142, 1 160, 151, 
161, 214, 215, 216, 218,219; ii. 
346, 361,367, 308 

Monro, Lionteiiant-Culonel, in com- 
mand at Eort William Henry, 
ii 181; asks f 01 leiuforcomonts 
from 'Wohb, ii 185, Webb’s in- 
decision, ii. 186; asked to sur- 
rondei hy Montcalm, ii 187; 
his refusid, ii 187 ; the attack, 


ii 188, warned by 'Webb to 
expect no help from, him, ii 
191 , hie desperate situation, u 
193, mahes terms of capitula- 
tion, 11 194; futile efforts of 
Montcalm to hold the Indians 
to the terms of capitulation, ii 
195-202; 11 294, ill 277. 

Montagu, George, letter fiom 
Walpole to, ill 236, 217. 

Montcalm, the elder, ii 43 , death 
of, li 44 

Montcalm, Chevalier de (son), ap- 
pointed to command a regi- 
ment in France, ii 47, joins 
his father, ii 47, presented to 
the royal family, u 48; mar- 
riage of, lii IS 

Montcalm, Louis de, i 293; ap- 
pointed geneial to replace Bics- 
kau, ii 42 , early history of, ii 
42, his ambition to become a 
member of the Academy, ii 43 , 
joins tlie regiment of Haiuaut, 
h 44, at the siege of Fhilips- 
boarg, 11 . 44 , death of his father, 
u 44 ; his marriage, ii. 44 ; lii& 
children, ii 44 , his family seat 
at Candiac, u 45; his early 
campaigns, ii 45 , made colonel 
of the regiment of Auxerrois, 
11 . 45 ; taken piisoner at Fia- 
cenza, ii 45 , returns to France, 
u 45 , again wounded, ii. 46 , 
his appomtmeut m command 
of the French troops m Korth 
Amenca, ii. 46 , his unpublished 
autobiography, ii. 46, sots out 
from Candiac, ii 47 , his letters 
to his mother, u 47, 48, 68, 142, 
145, 152, 212, ill. 3, 13, 16, 
joined by his son, ii 47 ; prepa- 
rations for departure, ii 47 , at 
Bennes, ii 48; bis letters to 
his wife, li 48, 60, 96, 103, 


141, 142, 143, 162, 211, 318, lii 
18, 19 , presents his son to the 
royal family, ii 48 , his fond- 
ness for Ldvis and Bougainville, 
u 49, hiB troops, ii 49, soils 
for New Fiance, ii 50, aiough 
voyage, ii 50; reaches the St. 
Lawience iiier, ii 51 , reaches 
Quebec, ii 51 , meets Vaudieuil, 
n 62; not welcome to Vau- 
dreuil, 11 62, compared with 
Yaudreuil, ii 53, represents 
the Old France, u 54 ; antago- 
nism of his force to that of 
Yaudicul's, 11 54, on his red 
allies, 11 58 , bis impressions of 
Canada, ii 59, 60 , at Montreal, 
11 62, Montrenil’s opinion of, 
11 63 , his estimate of Yaudreuil, 
11 . 63, hastens to Ticonderoga, 
li 64, his high estimate of 
Ldvis, II 65 , Ldns' estimate of, 
ii. 66 , his plans against Oswego, 
11 94, recalled by Yaudreuil 
from Ticonderoga, ii 94, on 
Lake Champlain, ii 95 , reaches 
Montreal, ii 95 , at Fort Fron- 
teuac, II 95 , attacks Oswego, 
u 96, 97 , on the capture of 
Oswego, II 103 , faces Winslow 
at Ticonderoga, ii. 108, on Bi- 
gaud’s attack on Fort William 
Henry, li 139; familiar corre- 
spondence of, 11 . 141-147 , pos- 
sesses the tastes of a country 
gentleman, ii 142 , receives the 
coveted decoraticn of the coidon 
rouge, n 142, his strained rela- 
tions with Vaudrcml, li 147 ; 
Yaudreuil’s accusations agamst, 
li. 150; rivalry between Yan- 
drenil and, ii 151-154 foibles 
of, II 154 , the Indians eager to 
see, 11 163; an Indian compli- 
ment, u 163, Bings the war* 



8onp; with the convoitB of tho 
Two Monntains, ii 164 , gathote 
hi8 fmco ,it Ticaiidoroga, ii 
165, tionhli'soiiio allies, u 167, 
on the iinpuitniicQ of Indian 
assiBt.iiiLO, 11, 173; calls a gi.uid 
coniitil, ii, 174-178, his clrcnlii 
letter to the legular ofhrers, n. 
178; Ills advaiiLO, ii. 173, Ins 
pioparntiuiis, ii 187; siiinmons 
Monro to Bnrroiider, n. 187 , 
Monro i of uses, ii. 187, Inter- 
cepts AVoIili's letter to Monro, 
u 191 ; makes terms of capitn- ' 
lation with Mouio, ii 194 , his 
efforts to prevent Imtchery hy 
the Indians, ii 19S, 196, 139, 
aoi ; on the respoiibibility foi 
the signal of hntvhory, it 203 , 
a missed opportunity, it. 206, 
Vaitdienil trios to taiuish his 
exploit. It 206 ; his rostrirttuns, 
11 207 , in (inobec, n. 211 , his 
fuithor lettois to noarhiinmiue, 
ii 211, 212, 214; his disgust, it 
211 ; not plonsed with Montienl, 
II. 211 ; annoyed by Ills lolations 
with Vnudrouil, li 212; hie ae- 
coimt of Uogors’ fight, il. 230; 
reveals Bigot's kiiaiory to the 
miuuilry, ii 239 ; given ahsolnto 
power m tlio colony, ii 240 , on 
the maladiniiiibtr.ition of Can- 
ada, II 241 , 11 293 ; left to de- 
fend himsolf as lie CiUi, li. 293 ; 
decides to remain at Ticou- 
doroga, ii 393 , ii, 302 ; at the 
Ealls, li 305 ; desperate position 
of, ii. 309 , Ins rhief hope lay in 
Abercrombie’s blniiileis, it .909; 
on the iiambei of the li'rench 
force at Ticoiideroga, li. 311 , 
the assanlt, n 31 1 ; defeats Ab- 
ercrombie, ii. 316; his losses, 
li. 317, hie relief, li 317; an- 

Donnees his victory, ii 318; 
eiocts a cross, li SIS, receives 
reiiiforLeineiits, ii 338 , ii. 335 , 
breaks camp, ii 337 , determines 
to ask fill ins recall, iii 3 ; 
Vaiidioiiil envious of, m 3; 
Viuulionil asks for the rec.ill 
of. III b, disBOiibioiiR, 111 6, 7, 
Ins disgust. 111 . 8, roalues the 
nccobsitiDS of Canada, in. 12, 
mndo Iioutciiant general, in 14 , 
lotlei fioin llolluisle to, in 16, 
17; ins reply, iii 17; inclined 
to the ])lnn of coiirenlratiou, m. 

18 , sad news fiom Candiac, in, 

19, correspondence of, in 20; 
iii 38, hastens to Quebec, iii. 
30, location of Ins troops, lii 
41 ; hiB hoadqnarters, m 42 , his 
relative position to Vandieml, 
111 4 1 , m 60, 51 ; favored by 
the elements, iii 51 , tries the 
vuliies of hiH fiu'ships, in 52; 
liih lutlois to Boniliimoque, lii 
51, UR, 275, lii 58, 60, 61, 
III a doIciiBivo atliludo, in 64, 
forced to weaken his oimy at 
Beanpoil, in. 66 ; does not im- 
prove Ins opjiorUuiily, in b6 , le- 
fuses to fight oil Wolfe’s teims, 
ill, 70; attacked by Wolfe, ni 
71; his perplexity, III 72; in. 81, 
92; lot the paiishes burn, in 
105, lii 112,113, 115; decenod 
by a piotouded attack, iii 126 ; 
his force compared to Wolfe’s, 
ill. 125 ; passes a troiihled night, 
111. 134, the alarm, ih, 135; 
gathers his army together, in. 
136, Ins amasenient, ni. 136; 
Vaudrouil delays sending his 
forces to ]oin, ni, 136 , a council 
of war, ill 136 ; alternatives, m. 
137; the ciisis, in 139; his de- 
feat, 111 139 , moitally wounded, 

INDEX. 867 

ill 141 ; Yaadroail thiows the 
blame for defeat on, iii 145; 
his advice, lu. 149, aeriousuess 
of the loss of, in 151 , last 
hours of. 111 15S, his death, in 
153 ; his letter to Toivushend, 
in 153, his buri.'il. Ill 153, 154, 
his funeral the funeral of Neir 
Fiance, in 154, Vaudreuil'a 
jealous spite follows him after 
death, in 163-167 ; his accusa- 
tions against Vaudieuil, in 166, 
170, 171, his faults, ill 167; 
ill 191, 193 , familiar letteis of, 
lii. 373-375, iii 379; on the 
losses at Ticonderoga, ill. 380; 
letters on the battle of Quebec, 
111 387, authorities on his 

death and burial, m 290 
Montcalm, Madame de (wife), u 
44, her children, it 44, ii 47, 
letters fiom her husband, ii 48, 
50, 95, 103, 141, 143, 143, 162, 
211, 818; m. 7, 18, 19, 278- 

Montcalm, Mademoiselle de, mar- 
nago of, lu. 15, 19 
Montcalm, the Marquis de, i. 

vili ; 11. 53 , lil. 20. 

Montcalm, Miibte, death of, ui 19 
Montesquieu, i 18 
Montgomery, Captain Alexander, 
cruelty of, iti 104 
Montgomery, Colonel Bichard, in 
Forbes’ expedition against Fort 
Bnqnesne, ii. 367 , iu 104 
Montgomery's regiment, in Forbes’ 
expedition agamst Fort Du- 
quesne, li 340 
Montguet, Captain, iii 146 
Montguy, at 'Ticonderoga, ii SOS 
Montigny, captured by the Fng- 
lish, in 90 

Montmorenci, the falls of, iii 41, 
49, SO, 51, 58, 69, 61, 63, 63, 71, 

72, 73, 74, repulse of the English 
at, 111 74,75, 109, 110, 117 
Montmorenci, the heights of, occu- 
pied by Wolfs, lu 60, 111 63, 
70, repulse of the English at, 
lii 76, 103, 111, 228, 285 
Montour, Andrew, the interpreter, 
of great service to Gist, i. 57, 
sketch of, 1 58 
Montour, Catharine, i 68. 
Montpellier, ii. 53, 145 
Montreal, Bienville at, i 55, 56; 

I 70, 93, 134, 136, 159, Mont- 
calm and Ldvis at, ii 63 , Van- 
dreuil’s conference with the 
Indians at, ii 79, Montcalm 
reaches, ii 95, ii 105,115; the 
military heart of Canada, ii 
141 , social life at, u 143 ; 
famine in, ii 213, census of, liu 
17, ui. 36; mihtia of, m 43; 
Amherst plans an attack npon, 
m 78, Ldvis sent to, iii 92, 
111 . 107 ; Vaudreml at, tii 163 , iii, 
183, 186, 187, 207, 208, 209, 
Ldiis at, iu 211, description 
of. 111 217, the French army 
gathered at, ui 218. 

Montieuil, Dieskau’s adjutant, iu 
the battle of Lake George, i 
318, correspondence of, i 328; 

II 63 ; his opimon of Montcalm, 
ii. 63, on the defeat of the 
rangers, b 133 ; on Higaud’s 
attack on Fort William Henry, 
u. 139 , 111 145 , on the battle 
of Quebec, iii 287. 

Monte, De, see De Monts 
Moore, William, letter to Gov- 
ernor Moms from, li 33 
Moravian brotherhood, the, li 352 ; 
the mission settlements of, ii, 

Moravians, the, in FenusylTanu^ 
1 34; li 33. 



Moro Castle, attacked by the Eng- 
lish, in 248, earned by storm, 
111 248. 

Moms, Captain Roger, aide-de- 
camp to liraddock, i 210, 
wounded in tlio battle u£ Mo- 
nong<i1iola, i 227, 238, on tile 
defeat ot Rraddock, i 229 

Morns, Govoiuor of I’ennsylva- 
nia, succeeds namiltou, i 173, 
in contiovcrsy with lus Assem- 
bly, I. 173, 174, letters from 
William Shuley the younger to, 
i 105, 209 , summoned to Alex- 
andria by lliaddock, i 198, on 
tbs conduct of Dunbar, i. 241 , 
letteis from John bbirley to, u 
8, 9, 11 ; lus letter of condolence 
to William islmley, n 9; his 
letter to Diiiwiddic, ii 9 , on the 
attitude of tlio Qiiakeis, ii 25, 
his stiugglo with the Assenilily, 
ii, 26, S3 , on tlio attitude of the 
Assembly, ii 27 , troubled bj 
the Indian inassaorcs, ii 29 ; 
still foiiuiiig with the Asseiiibly, 
11 . 30; declaios win against the 
Dolawaiea and Shnwaiioos, li 
80; lottei from Washington to, 
li 110 

"Moses," see Le Zontie. 

Mountain Street, lu Quebec, iii. 
161, 172, 179, 189 

Murdering Town, Indian hamlet 
of, Washington at, 1 . 141. 

Mnnlock, Beamish, on Lo Lontie 
at Eort Bennadjour, i. 259, on 
the capture of Le Loutre, i 261. 

Murray, Captain Alexander, 1 270, 
at Fort Edward, i 278, assists 
Winslow in the expulsion of the 
Acadians, i, 280; issues a sum- 
mons to the Acadians, i 282, 
his success, i. 285 , congratulates 
Winslow, 1 . 288 ; i. 289, 290 

Murray, Brign dier, in Wolfe’s ex- 
pedition, in. SS ; at Quebec, lii 
10b, lopiilsod at Boiuteaux- 
Tiomldes, in 10b , at Descham- 
biiiilt,m 106 , lotioi fiom Wolfe 
to, in 109 ; fords llio Etochc- 
mm, lii 117 , on tho Heights of 
Alnaham, lii 133 , in command 
at Qiiohec, in ICl, 176, charac- 
ter of, iii 17b; oBCiSpe of the 
Ifieiich ships, ill 177 , lumois 
of tlio approach of Ldiis, in 
180, attacks tho French skir- 
misheiB, 111 181 , on the rapture 
of Le Cnlvaiio, lii 182 , prepares 
foi an attack fiom tlio Eionch, 
iii 184, leains of the expedition 
of Levis, in 189 ; icmfoiccs Ste - 
Eoy, in 190; alteinatives, iii 
190, his rashnoss, in 191, at- 
tacks Ldvis, 111 103 ; tlio battle, 
ni 145, forced to rctieat, iii. 
195, Hticnglhciis Quebec, in, 
108, holds the confldoiico of his 
ofluois, iii. 100; cYclianges 
conctosics with Levis, lii. 200; 
relief arm os, in 201; ou tho 
battle of Stu -Eoy, lii. 204 ; iii. 
207 1 to ascomUho Bt Lawrence, 
id 207, 208, ins advance, in, 
204-21 1 , his proclamation to tho 
Caiiadmus, iii 211; cariios out 
his tliroats, ni 211; at Isle St- 
Thdrbso, ni 212, 215 , on the 
force of the French and English 
at Quebec, lii. 286; on the 
Btiength of tho Ficnch and 
English at tho battle of Ste- 
Fo.\,iii 292 

Murray's hiigado, at Quebec, in, 68 

MuRldiignm, Wyandot village of, 
Gist nt, i 57 ; Croghan at, i 67 

Muskingum Rivor, the, Bienville 
bniios a plate at tho mouth of, 
1 61. 



" Nabbtobombib, Mbs see Aber^ 
crombie, GenaatJames 
Napier, i, 203 

Naples, the throne of, House of 
Bourbon holds, i 12 
Napoleonic tempests, the, 1 3 
Nanows, the, ii 117, 122, 129, 
139, ISO, 298 
Nash, Beau, i 9 

Nash, Goldsmith’s life of, i 196. 
Necessity, Port, built by Washing- 
ton, i 156; Washin^onandhis 
Indians at, i 157; desciiption 
of, 1 162, the Virginians at, i 
162 , attacked by ViUiers, i 162 , 
the capitulation, i 164, 165, 
abandoned, i 166, the serious- 
ness to the English of the defeat 
at, 1 167, 111 121,268 
“ Neptune,” the, iii 32, 34 
“Neutrals," the, 1 247 
New Brunswick, i 94, 128, 129 
Newcastle, Duke of, power of, i 
10, his total unfitness for place 
and power, i 184 , chaincteris- 
tics of, I. 184, anecdotes of, i 

184, 185, ridiculed, i 185, his 
support necessary to Fitt, i 185, 
the giowth of the decrepitude 
and decay of n great party, i 

185 , consults Hanhuiy on 
Ameiicau affairs, i 204; does 
not support Fitt, ii 246 , made 
First Lord of the Treasury, n 
246, Wolfe a hopeless enigma 
to. 111 31 , 111 226 , disliked by 
George HI , in, 239 , iii 243, 
245; resigns, in, 246 

Newell, Chaplain, at Foit Lyman, 
I 307 

New England, i 28, 29 , best known 
to her neighhoiB by her woist 
side, 1 30, the most military 
among the British colonies, i 
30, bore the heaviest brunt of 

precedmg wars, i. 31; m the 
capture of Louisbourg, i 31 , 
Virginia contrabted with, i 31 , 
native literature of, i 32 , essen- 
tial antagonism of Viigmiaaud, 
1 33, strong distinctive chaiactei 
of, 1 34 , always leady to hght, 

I 175, sends commissioners to 
the Albany convention, i 179, 
supports tliQ planb ag.uust Ci ow n 
Point and Beansi'jour, i 200, 
201 , shows a fine maitial spirit, 
i 205; discourpged by Johnson’s 
failure to t.ike Cionn Point, ii 
69, doubtful of Shirley's mih- 
tary abilities, ii 69 , loms Shir- 
le 3 r’a new campaign, ii 69 , alone 
fnlly earnest foi war, ii 105, 
the opposing force, ii 105, re- 
]oices over Wolfe’s victory, in 
169, re]oice8 over the fall of 
Canada, in 223 

New Englanders, the, Shirley in 
sympathj uith, i 175 
New England levies, the, methods 
of raising and equipping, ii 
71, 72, the pay, ij 72, the 
officers, II 73 , at Ticonderoga, 

II 295 

New England rangers, the, ii 36 , 
at Quebec, m 40, 55, 60, 63 
New England traders, the, i 246 
New England troops, the, at Bean- 
Bcjour, I 263 , conld not be kept 
m Acadia, i 266, at Fort Ed- 
ward, 1 278, ag.unst Ciown 
Point and Ticonderoga, ii 69, 
John Winslow chosen to lead, 
II 69, muster at Albany for the 
I attack on Croun Point, ii 71 , 
at Half Moon, ii 71 , at Louis- 
hourg, 11 264, 273 
Newfoundland, i 192; li 159, 
temporary English reverses m, 
lu 249 , 111 252, 257. 



New Eranco, Iwuntlaiie^ of, i 22 , 
populatinii of, 1 23 , himlmiii os 
to giowth ot, I 2J , built oil Ibo 
piiiiciplo of omIusioh, 1 24 
Now Ilaiiipsliiio, Colony of, Indinn 
attacks on, i 183, jouih him ley’s 
e\]icililiou against Crown ruint, 

I . 2')7 , 1’ailianiciit makct a giant 
to, II 69 , hticiiliccs of, ii 292 

Now Hampthno liorilcrciH, ii 119 
“Now Ilamptliire G.uotto," tlio, 

II . 314, on tlic capliiro of Eort 
Erontenac, ii 338, on tlio stif- 
ieiinga of Eogois’ tiiugeis, in. 

Now llamjislihe lories, the, i 302 
New Ilampaliiio regiment, the, 
in Shiiley’a o-sjicdition against 
Crown Point, i SOI 
New Haven, i 302 
Now Joisey, the colony of, i 36 , 
Dmwiililio asks foi aid agniiisl 
the Erencli fioiii, i. 144, 146, 
lofuBOS to rcsjioiid, i 171, 176, 
plans against Oiowii Point, i. 
201 i Failiamoiit niakos a grant 
to, ii 69 ; writhing under hol- 
der attacks, ii 109 
Now Joiaoy Hegiinciit, the, in the 
Niagai.t expedition, ii 6 ; di- 
verted by hhirlcy fioni Crown 
Point, ii 12 , with Ahoiurom- 
hie, II 299. 

New Orleans, the city of, i 44, 
retained by Erance, in 251 , 
made ovei to Kpaiii, lii 263 
New Oswego, Viisu's loport on 
the defences of, ii H5 ; location 
of,ii 90 j burnod by the Erencli, 
u 103 

Newport, reioiccs over the fall of 
Louisbouig, ii 282 
New York, city of, description of, i, 
35 ; Erench designs upon, 1, 200 , 
Shirley holds a council of war in, 

11 OR , Piitish tioops assigned 
to, II 127 , makes o]ipnsition, ii 
12s, u 206, rcjoiios over the 
fall of Luiiishoiug, n 282 
Now York, tlie Proiiiico of, i 30, 
13, dosciij lion of, 1 34, 35, 
chiiiiis Osin'.o, 1 77 , 1 130, 
01 doled t) iiNiiond to Dinwid- 
dle's foi <Lid against the 
Erench, i 147 , contentions 
stuhlioiiinesB of, i 174, sends 
cuminissiouoi's to the Albany 
convention, i 179, Indian at- 
tacks on, i 183 , plans against 
Cl own Point, 1 201 j attempted 
expulsion of the Piotestaiit 
population of, i 295, joins m 
Bhiiloy’s expedition against 
Crown Point, i 297 j disputes 
liolwoon the goveinoi and the 
Assoiuhly, 11 36, 3b, Pailio- 
ment makes a grant to, ii. 69 , 
wuihing undor horiloi attacks, 
II 109 

New York Assemhly, the, com- 
position of, 1 63 , I 65 , neglects 
to mainUun Oswego, i 77 , its 
reply to Ooioriior Dulancoy’s 
ajipeal, i 174, disjmto hetweeu 
the governor and, ii 35, vic- 
toiy won by, li 36 
Now Yoik levies, the, n 71. 

“Now York Alorcury,” on the 
Pcnnsylvainau disputes, li 37, 
ni 289 

Now Yoik provmeials, the, iii 280 
Now Yoik logimont, the, with 
Ahorcromlno, ii 299 
Now York troops, the, at Ale-y- 
andria, i 108; in Shirley’s ex- 
pedition against Ciowu Point, 
i 303 

Niagara, Cdloion at, i. 41 , the 
most important pass of the 
western wildorness i. 41 ; the 



key of the Great West, i 66 , 
Father Piquet at, i 7 1 , Joncoire 
at, 1 74 , Eugli&h plans against, 

I 201 ; Shirley to lead the 
attack upon, i 201 , i 202 ; im- 
portance of mastering, ii 3, 
French camp at, ii 60, ii 335, 
350, 369 

Niagara expedition, the, i 241, 
alone wonld have gained for 
England the control of the Ohio 
Talley, u. 3 , Shiiley sets ont 
on, 11 4, the Jersey Blues in, 
ii 6 , Shiiley's and Pepperrell's 
regiments in, ii, 6 , at Oswego, 

II 6, 7 ; at the Great Carrying 
Place, 11 6 , at Wood Croe^ ii 
7 , on Lake Oneida, li 7 , on 
Lake Ontario, li 7 , ditBcnlties, 
11 10, abandoned, li U 

Niagara Falls, visited by Father 
Piquet, 1 76 

Niagara, Fort, Father Piquet at, 
i 75 , the key to the inland 
oceans, i. 80 j i 85 ; location of, 
II. 9; French force at, n 10, 
rebuilt by Pouohot, ii 60, the 
battalion of Bdorn encamped 
hofoie, h 62 ; Shirley's plan to 
seize, li 68, 80, 86 ; Loudon 
abandons the attempt against, 

II 87 , u 102 , attacked by the 
English, iii. 64 , Amherst 
resolves to capture, in 77 ; Pri- 
deanx at, iii 85; Ponebot in 
command at, in 86, besieged 
by Prideaux, in 87, surren- 
dered to the Enghsh, iii 91; 
its capture an important stroke, 

III 91 , 111 108 

Niagara portage, the, i 83, 200 

Niagara Biver, the, iii 86. 

Niaonre Bay, li 96 

Nicholson, General, conquers Aca- 
dia, i 94. 

Niles, on Bradstreet’s Fight, ii 
83 , on the importance of Indian 
assistance, ii 173, on Ticon- 
deroga, ii 314 
Ntmes, II 42 

Nipissings of Lake Nipissing, the, 
at Montcalm’s grand council, ii. 

Nipissings, the, in the Ohio valley, 
1 43, at Fort Frontenac, i 78; 
join the French against the 
English, 1 169 

Nivernois, Dnc de, sent to London 
as envoy, iii 249 

Nivsmlle, at Montcalm's grand 
council, 11 175 

Noblease, the Canadian, iii 229. 
Normanville, the biothers, at Fort 
Duquesne, i 218 
North, Loid, iii 170. 

North America, English gains tho 
mastery of, i. 6, claimed by 
France, i 12 
Northampton, i 302 
North Carolina, the colony of, l 
36 , Dinwiddie asks aid agamst 
the French from, i. 144, ie< 
spouds to the appeal, i 147; 
Dobbs governor of, i 194, ii 

North Caiolma regiment, the, 
commanded by Colonel lunes, 
1 168 ; poor discipline in, i 169 ; 
in Shirley’s new campaign, u. 

North Carolina troops, the, in. 
Forbes’ expedition against Fort 
Duquesne, ii 340 
Noithern lolonies, the, threatened 
by Crown Point, i 296 
Noith Pole, the, i 22 
Northwest Bay, see Ganoushe Bay 
Notre-Dame, Church of, at Que- 
bec, ill 291 

Nova Scotia, i 94, 128 , Xiawrence 



governor of, i 199 ; Indians of, 
1 349,* 1 S50, n. 204, 382; lU 
21, as, 33 

Noysui, Do, cofflmandoi at Eort 
Erontenac, n. 039 , suirendors 
to Br.idstroot, ii, 335 

“Nnmlioi Ifour," in 83, Bogeis 
reachoB, iii 100 See also 

Nnns, tho, saa Hospital Nans, the 

Natball, lii 245 

O’CAnLaoKAs, on the responsi- 
biliV for the signal of bntcheiy 
at Fort William Henry, Ii. 203. 

Ochtarlony, Captain, killed at 
Quebec, iii 74 

Ogden, Captain, in Bogars* expe- 
ditian, ill 98 ; grounded, lii 98 , 
lii 100 

Ogdonaburg, i 41 

Ohio Company, tho, formation of, 
1 . 60 , its members, i 57; sends 
Gist to ovploio the Ohio coun- 
try, I. 57 : hnilda a trading-house 
at Will’s Cieok, i, 63 ; builds a 
storahonso at liodstono Cieok, 
i ISO, 161. 

Ohio country, the, Gist, sent to 
evploro, i 67 

Ohio ontei prise, the, i 93; lands at 
Presqn’isle, i 133 ; hardships of, 
i, 134 , Mann in command of, i 
134 ; Pdan in command of, i, 184 , 
discontent, 1 . 134 ; Saint-Pierre in 
command of, 1 . 135; ordered by 
tho Half-King to leave tho coun- 
try, i. 136. 

Ohio Indians, the, JToncaire makes 
anti-English speeches to, i 63, 
i, 73 , side with tho English, i. 
87 , leady to march against tho 
English, 1 , 159 

Ohio Blver, tho, i. 33, 36, 40, 42 ; 
savages of, i, 46 ; i. 46 ; Bienville 

bids farewell to, i. 54 , mulijitade 
of Indian villages on, i 64, pro- 
posed English tiading-house at 
the fork of, i, 61, Duquesna 
preimros to occupy tho upper 
wateis of, 1 91 , pioposed Fieuch 
foits on, 1 , 91 , i, 93, 133, 136, 
137, 138; 11 58, 146, 236, 350, 
362,368, 111 38; the attempt to 
restore Fiench ascendancy on, 
iii 87, 111 90 

Ohio valley, the, need of vindicat- 
ing French rights in, i 40, Bien- 
ville sent into, i 40 , importance 
of the possession of, i 43, In- 
dian population of, i. 48; tho 
Frenoh in, i 43, 44; claimed by 
the I'ope and the Bourbons, i, 
44 ; English fur-traders in, i 46 ; 
claimed by Fenusylvania and 
Virginia, i 64, Indian tribes of, 
1 67 ; the centre of Indian popu- 
lation, I. 67, Fatlier Piquet's 
scliomo to drive the English 
from, i 72 ; Washington on the 
French designs on, i 139, the 
Niagara expedition alone would 
have gained tho control of, li 3 

Opbwas, the, attack tho Demoi- 
selle, i. 89, profess devotion to 
the French, i. 136, at Fort 
Duquosno, i, 217 ; at Montcalm’s 
grand council, ii. 174 

“ Old Britain,” see La Demoiselle. 

" Old Clinich in Boston,” the, lii. 

“Old Dominion," tho, i. 142, 147, 

“ Olden Time,” on Grant’s defeat, 
li. 363, 364; on Post, li. 373 

Old Lorotte, iii. 137 ; fortified out- 
post at, iii 180; attacked by 
French grenadiers, in 180; 
Xidvis attacks, lii. 187, iii. 20% 



Old Oswego, see PepperreU, Fort. 

Oneida, Lake, bhiiloy on, ii. 7, 
in, 84 

Oneidaa, the, i 69, 299, pledge 
themsehes to the English, ii 
79 , 11 209 , join Biodstieet’s 
expedition, ii 335, at Fort Frou- 
tenac, ii 336 

Onondaga, the Iroquois capital, i 
70, Conrad Welser at,i 70 j the 
confederate council at, i 178, 
180, Johnson at, 11 78, ii 82. 

Onondaga River, the, i 78 , ii 7, 
335, lii 84 

Onondagas, the, i, 69 , drawn more 
and more to Piquet’s mission, i 
178, pledge themselves to the 
English, 11 79. 

Onontio, 1 71 

Ontano, Fort, Pepperrell’s regi- 
ment at, ii, 85 , location of, ii 
97 , its garrison, ii 97 , aban- 
doned, 11 98, burned by the 
French, ii. 103, fatal neglect 
of,ii 107 

Ontario, Lake, i 41, 69, 77 j Father 
Piquet makes the entiie circuit 
of, 1 80,1 208, SOOjii 6, Shii- 
Icy on, ii 7 , 11 60 , the French 
secure aU their posts on, ii 62 ; 
Shirley’s plan to master, li 68, 
69, 71 ; u. 86 ; France conquers 
the undisputed command of, ii 
102 , u 106 , controlled by Fort 
Froutenac, ii. 334, Bradstreet 
on, fa 385 , li 371 , iii 36, 38, 86, 
91, 92, 208, 215 

Ord, Captain, wounded in the 
battle of Honongahela, i 236. 

Oitlomanrei, in Canada, ii. 236 

Oileaiis, the channel of the Eng- 
lish deet at, lii 45 

Orleans, the Island of, ui 45, 48 ; 
the English land on, m 49 ; iii 
66, 71, 186, 208. 

Orleans, the Point of, English out- 
post at. 111 . 62, 68, 61, 63, 74, 113, 
117, 124, 

Orme, Captam Robert Braddock’s 
aide-(le cimp, i 198,203, on the 
Virginians, i. 203, i 209, his 
journal, i 210, his portrait, i 
210, description of, i 210, 
wounded in the battle of hlouon- 
gahela, i 227, i 229, the re- 
treat, i 232, on the death of 
Braddock, i 234 , his letter to 
Dinwiddle, i 237 ; Dmwiddie’s 
reply to, i 2.39, 

Ormsby, John, on the siege of 
Niagara, iii 87. 

Orry, comptroller-general turned 
out by Madame de Pompadour, 
1 17. 

Osages, the, i 46, tubes of the 
Wabash and the IHinois leaguing 
with, 1 88 

Oahom, Admiral, sent to the Medi- 
terranean, n 254 , hold La 
Clue imprisoned at Toulon, ii 

Oebome, Sii Darners, i 179 

Osgood, Captain, at Fort Edward, 

I 280, 282 

Oswegatchie, Father Piquet's mie 
Sion, in 215, 

Oswegatchie River, the, i 41, 56, 

Oswego, city of, i 77 

Oswego, English post of, i 41, 65, 
73, 74 , of ill omen to the French, 

1 77 , claimed by New York, i 
77 , left to take care of itself, i 
77, raoiutamed personally by 
Governor Clmtun, i 77 ; Father 
Piquet at, 1 77, the French plot 
to destroy, i 82, 83 , i 93 , Eng- 
lish vessels built at, i 203 , the 
French plan to attack, i 300, 
Shirley at, i 325 ; the Niagara 



ezpodibion at, li B, 7 , ii 71, 80; 
Vauihouil souds VilboiH to har- 
aiH, ii 81. 

Osfl’Ogo, Port, II. 7, 38, 80, 82, 
Shirlof .mxious loi, ii. Hi , the 
condition of ite dufuncee, li 81, 
Colonel Meiior in caminaiul at, 
ii 84 , diBcnutoul in the g.uriBoii 
of, II 81, Shiiloy loiuforcaH, ii 
86; iniiiortauce of its defence, 
11 88 ; London lemfoicoa, ii 03 ; 
captuicd by the Pronch, u 03 ; 
Picurh plans against, ii. 0.5, 
attacked by Montcalm, li 06, 
07 ; Its fate sealed, ii 08 ; snr- 
londor of, ii. 100, lo<)scs on both 
sides at the c<apturo of, ii. 101 , 
huinod by the Prouch, ii 101 , 
its capture the gio-itest feat yet 
atcompliiihod in Amonca by the 
Pronoh arras, a 102; bohavior 
of its garrison nut discreditable, 
11 102, the ruins of, 11 103, plans 
and diawlngs of, ii 103; Van- 
dreuil cUims the honor of tak- 
ing, ii. 118; it .335; to bo lo- 
establishod, in 77 , llaldimand 
at, ill, 84; ill, 165, Anihorsl’s 
army gathois at, iii 315, in 
328 , iiistriu'tious of the Pieuch 
coluuial niiuislar fur the de- 
struction of, 111 261 

“Ottawa,” the Pionoli bilg, in 
215 , oaptucod by the English, 
Ilk 316 

Ottawa, Indian village of, i. 81 

Ottawa Indians, the, in the Ohio 
valley, i 43, try to make a 
treaty with the Miamis for the 
Preach, i 60, 61 , attack the 
Demoiselle, i, 89 ; join the Proneb 
against the English, i 169, at 
Pott Daqaesno, i 217; canuibal- 
lam among, ii. 171 , at Mont- 
calm's grand council, ii 174; 

sent to the defence of Pott Du 
quesiio, 11 350 

OtUw.i Uiver, the, i 131 , the Ire- 
qiiois and Algoiiquius at ' the 
Two MoniitaniH uii, ii, 58 uf Aliiliiliiii.ickinac, the, 
at Aliiiilcalm’s grand council, 
ii 176 

Oflor Crook, lii 83 

Otway’s icgimont, at Albany, ii 

Ondciiarde, ill 237. 

Ouohkak, I 264. 

Oxtoid, 1 147. 

Pnms, Timothy, letter from 
Crawford to, ii, 92 

Palace battery, the, at Quebec, hi. 

Palace Gate, the, at Quebec, in, 
42, 136, 159. 

PaUtiuo sotllomont of Gorman 
flats, the, 11 . 6 

I’an.una, English attack planned 
oil, in 217. 

Taunt, .lean C'lando, on the siege 
of Quebec, in. 67, 288; on the 
icpulso of tho English at Mont- 
mnrniici, iii 76. 

Tail, ans: Cerfs, tho, ii 41 

Tarfoimi, Madame de, iii 276. 

Ttiris, tho aichivcs of, i 99, 

Ttirih, the I’arli.uiioiit of, li 49. 

Tans, tho Teaeo of, lii 251-264 ; 
marks a fimtful epoch, ni 265 ; 
rosnlts of, lil 256-250 

Tans, the salons of, i 18; com- 
missioners in session at, i 01 ; 
tho Aeadi.iii hoinulary commis 
Sion in session at, i 128 , Mont 
calm at, ii 46, 47 , Wolfo at, 
in 26. 

Parishes, the Canadian, burned by 
Wolfe, ill 104, 106. 

Parker, Colonel, li. 172. 



Fatkman, Rev Ebeuezer, i! 395 

Farkman, Qeorge Eranus, lu 

Farkman, William, on Abercrom 
bie, It 295 

Pailiament, the English, i 9 ; cor- 
rnption in, i 10 , makes a giant 
for Shirley's new campaign, ii 

Partridge, Colonel Oliver, ii ao7 

Faasamaquoddy Bay, in. 23 

Patten, Captain, comes to Brad- 
street’s assistance, n 32 

Patten, Thomas, draws views of 
Montreal, iii 21 S 

Patterson's Creek, Indian massa- 
cre at, 11 28. 

Patton, John, i 84 

Paxton (Penn.), Indian massacres 
at, 11 30 

Peabody, ii 116 

Pdan, Major Michel Jean Hngnes, 
i. 92 , 11 . 146 , succeeds Haim m 
command of tlio Ohio euterpnse, 
I 134, at Montreal, li 212, 223, 
224, hiB offlcikl knavery, 11 227, 
his maniage, ii 232 , Bigot 
makes his foitnne, ii 232 , jilted 
by his wife, « 238 , makes pros- 
perous love to Madame Penis 
seault, 11 233 , goes to Prance, 
U 235 , trial of, u. 241 ; arrested 
and tried, iii 231 

Pdan, Madame, u 212, 238 ; Bigot 
becomes the accepted lover of, 
li 232; becomes a power in 
Canada, li 233 

Pedrom, Colonel Schnylei’e 
brother, ii 304 

Penisseault, Antoine, ii 225, his 
official knavery, ii 227 , trial of, 
ii 241, airested and tried, lii 

Penisseault, Madame, Pdan makes 
prosperous love to, h 333 , Ldvis 

succeeds Pdan in the graces of, 
u 233, taken to France by 
Ldvis, 11 233. 

Penn, Richard, antagonism of 
Prankhu to, i 206, disputes 
with the Pennsylvania Assembly 
ovet the propiietaiy estates, ii 

23 , offers to contribute towards 
building a fort, ii 23 , tlia offer 
rejected, ii 23 ; held as reuegide 
from the faith of his fatliei, ii 

24 , hiB contribntiou for the 
dsfeiu e of the province, ii 34 

Penn, Thomas, antagonism of 
Praiiklui to, 1 206 , disputes 
with the Pennsylvania Assembly 
over the propiietary estates, ii 
23 , offeis to contnbnte towards 
building a fort, ii 23 , the offer 
rejected, li 23 ; held as leuegade 
from the faith of his father, ii. 
24; his contribution for the 
defence of the pioiince, ii 34. 

Penn, William, i 34 , his plan for 
colonial union, i 37 ; makes a 
wise use of his feudal rights, ii. 

Fennahouel, chief of the Ottawa's, 
at Montcalm’s grand council, li 
175, 177 

Pennoyer, Jesse, on Rogers’ expe- 
dition, 111 101. 

Penns, the, i 64 

Pennsylvania, the colony of, i 28 ; 
differs fiom Rew England and 
Virginia, i S3, description of, 

1 83,34, lacking in strong dis- 
tinctive chaiactei, i. 34; feudal 
inform,! 35, English tradeism, 

I 40, 45 , claims the Ohio valley, 

1 64 , 1 128, Dmwiddie asks for 
aid against the French from, i. 
144 , lefuses to respond, i. 147 ; 
the German in, i 172, sends 
commissioners to the Albany 



convontion, i 179 , 1 204 ; shows 
ajiatlij luvinid lirad (loch’s ev- 
poiliUDli, I. 204, 206 , boidoi sol- 
Uoiiiciil/S attacked, ii 16, 21 , 
standing (luniicl between the 
governor and the Assemldy, it 
22, the most democialic piov- 
ince 111 America, ii 24 , contri- 
bution oi the 1*011118 lor the 
defence of, H 34 , wi ithiiig under 
border attacks, ii 109 ; Moiaviau 
sottluineuts in, ii. 363 

Pennsylvania, College of, it 30 

Peuuhylvaiiia Assembly, tlio, com- 
position of, 1 63; lojects Cro- 
ghaii’s reports, i 03, 64 , Gover- 
nor Hamilton povveiloss against, 
1 147 , Governor Hamilton pre- 
sents circulai lottei from the 
Eail of lloldernesso to, i 172, 
curiously luiliko the Virguiia 
Assembly, i 172 , lofiisos to re- 
epond to Govertioi Hamilton’s 
requests,! 173, Govoriior Moi- 
rls tn controversy with, i 173, 
174; Its standing quaiiel with 
the governor, it 22; PraiiUm 
the loader of, ii 24 , forgets the 
Eionch and Indtans, ii 2 1 , still 
fencing with Moiris, il 30; lo- 
fuse help to the hordorois, it, 
81; pressure brought to foico 
measuics of war from, il 32, 33 , 
passes a mock militia law, ii. 
34; forced to yield, il. 36; re- 
fuses to support Shiiloy’s now 
campaign, il. 69; refuses to 
quaitei Loudon’s troops, li 127, 
foiced to yield, ii, 127, ii. 339; 
Eorbos vexed with, ii. 344, 

"Pennsylvania Gazette,” the, i. 

"Pennsylvania Magazine,” ii, 127. 

Pennsylvania traders, the, i. 40, 
46, 67, 63, 91. 

Pennsylvania troops, in Porbes* 
e\]iodition against Port Du- 
quesno, 11 340, 361, 368. 
Penobscot, tlio, mission of, li. 198. 
I’eiiobscot Indians, the, ii, 203 
People, the, divine right of, i 8 
leppeiioll. Port, location of, ii 
98, desciiption of, ii 98, held 
by Shiiloy’s legiment, ii 99. 
Pepperiells loginient, to attack 
Siiagara, i. 201 , m the 
expedition, ii 6; in Shiiley’s 
new caiiipnigii, ii 70 , at Port 
Ontario, ii 85 
Peridio, 11 110 

Peioniiej, Cnplnin, killed in the 
battle of Mouoiignhela, i 238 
Peiiut Isle, Amheist at, lit 217. 
Perth, Wolfe at, in 26 
Peter III., bccomos Czar of Piissia, 
111 246; pioclaims himself a 
friend of Prederic of Prussia, 
ill 245, ill-balanced, in 246; 
doposod and stiaiiglod, in. 246. 
Peter, Captain, ii. 368. 

I’oter tlio, i. 20 
Policodiac, i. 286. 

Fotrio, iToliau dost, taken prisoner, 
il 210 

Pejroiioy, Ensign, at Port Noces- 
sily, i. 161 

Peyton, Lieutenant, at Quebec, 
lii 74. 

Philadelphia, i. 34, 203 ; news of 
Braddock’s defeat leaches, i 
236, i 240, 241,242, takes its 
stamp from the Quakers, ii. 22 , 
the Quakers in, ii 24, British 
troops assigned to, ii 127 ; re- 
joices over the fall of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 282 , ii 340, 870, 871. 
Philadelphia, the City Council of, 
awards a medal to each offleer 
in the expedition against Kit- 
tanning, ii 114. 



riiilippmes, the, English attack 
planned on, m S47, 249 
Phillips, Lieutenant, ii 217, 
killed hy the Indians, 11 217 
Phillips, governor of Acadia, i 

Philipibourg, the siege of, Mont- 
Ciilm at, II 44 

Flidhpi's regiment, deserters from, 
] 10b. 

Phipps, Governor, letter from 
Johnson to, i. 326, letter from 
Shirley to, ii 69 , John Ashley 
complains to, li 74 
Piacenza, the walls of, Montcalm 
at the disastrous action under, 
11 45 

Piankishaws, the, 1 89. 

Pichon, Thomas, on the engage- 
ment between the “Dunkirk” 
and the “Alcide," i. 198, at 
Poit Beausd]Our, i 252, a 
traitor, i 262 , on the threats of 
Le Loutie, i. 253 ; ]ournal of, i 
259 , on the capture of Le Lou- 
tie, i 261 , ou the cause of the 
misery of the Acadians, i 276 , 
ou the English landing at Fresh- 
water Cove, li %69, on the 
siege of Louishourg, ii 287. 
Pickawillany, i. 217. See also 
Pique Town, 

Piets, the. 111 . 209. 

Piquet, Abbd, the Snlpitian pnest, 
at the mouth of the Oswe- 
gatchie, i 41 , a veolous political 
agent, I 41 ! Bienville visits, i 
56 , his establishment of La 
Presentation, i 69, sketch of, 
i. 69 ; portrait of, i 69 , tem- 
poral attractions of, i 70; spir- 
itual instruction at, i 70, 71 , 
boasts of, I 71 , elated by his 
snccess, i 71 , his letter to La 
Jonqniere and Bigot, i 71, his 

scheme to drive the English 
from the Ohio, i 72; failure 
of hiB scheme, i 72 , called the 
“Apostle of the Iroquois,” i 
72, at Fort Fiontenac, i 72, 
78 , at Toronto, i, 73 , at King 
ara, i 74, received by Becan- 
com, 1 75, at the Genesee, i 
76, at Sodas Bay, i 76; at 
Oswogo, i 77, bis leception at 
Fort Frontenac, i 78 , his jour- 
nal, 1 79, makes the entire 
circuit of Lake Ontario, i 80, 
1 82 , draws the Onoudagas 
more and more to bis mission, 
1 178, II 79, m the attack 
on Oswego, u 101 , at Mont- 
calm’s grand council, ii 175, 
ill 85 , his mission at Oswegat- 
cbie, iJi, 215, and his war- 
party, 111 268 

Pique Town, the centre of English 
tiade and influence, i 55, Gist 
at, 1 59, wondeiful growth of, 
{ 60; Bienville oideied to at- 
tack, I 86 , I 87 , the centre of 
disiiffection, i 88 ; English 
tiaders at, i 88, attacked by 
Langlade, i. 89 

Pitt, William, 1 . 8, cbaiactens- 
tics of, 1 10, 11 , the support of 
Newcastle nccebsazy to, i 185 , 
on the incapacity of Eobinson, 
i I8b, letter from Loudon to, 
u 127 , favors London’s plan to 
attack Lomsbourg, ii 157, ii 
210, 214, the reins of power 
fall into the hands of, ii. 245; 
opposition to, 11 246 , made Sec- 
retary of State, 11 246, towers 
supreme in British historv, ii 
347 , his character, ii 247, 248 ; 
his objects, ii 249, sends an 
expechtion to attack Kochefort, 
u 260, Frederic’s tribute to^ 



ii SSI; IiiBitiapiiiugmflnonco,!! I 
251; bis plans foi Amoiica, ii. 
253-265 , 11 2Q6 , loUeis fium ! 
Auiliorst lo, 11 287 , calls on tlio ' 
piovincos toi twenty tliansaud 
men, ii. 280 ; aioaily rcspoiiso, li 
289, 290, Powuall's icpoit on 
MassaLliusetta to, li 290, his 
oslimalo o£ IIowo, it 295, 11 
331, 338, 313, 349, 353. 361, 
365; ill 31, nainos Wolfo to 
load tlio expedition against Qne* 
bee. 111 31 , 111 33, 35, 45, 76, 
77, 78, 82, 84, 93, 111, 112, 
WoWo’a last despatch to, iil 
113,115,131,167; 111 177,191, 
211, 216, 217, 220 , disliked by 
Gcoige III, 111 237, supports 
the Continental War, iii. 237 , 
xisnig opposition to, ill. 238, 
loUci fiuiii Stanley to, lii 240, 
ariog.uioo of, ill 211, lejoets 
Cliolseiil's ovortiuos, in. 241 , 
divines tlio secret tioaty botwoon 
Pi.aiieo and Spain, tii 243; Ins 
plan to humble the llonso of 
Ilouibon, ill 213; not supported 
by the ministiy, in 243, 24 1; 
resignation of, iii. 244; Girni- 
villo’s leply lo, iii 214 ; iii. 247, 
219, 251; bis speech on the 
proliminaiios of the Poaeo of 
Pans, 111. 233, 234 ; ni 280, 283, 

Pitt, Port, built by Stanwix, ii. 

Fislquid, 1 98 ; Dandin, priest el, 

1. 253 

PiBiquid Kiver, the, 1. 278 

Pittsburg, site of, 1 49, 64, 148, 
215 ; 11 . 868 ; ni 77 , Stonwix 
sent to the relief of, lu 78 ; the 
Prencli plan to recover, lii 80 ; 
in imniinout danger, ui. 87. See 
also Duquesne, Fort, 

Place do la Concorde, the, i 16 
Plassey, the groat victoiy of, won 
by Clive, li 251 , in 255 
Plymouth colony, i 255 
Pocoeke, Ailiniinl Rii George, sails 
against Havana, iil 248, cap- 
tnics Il.iviuia, ni 248 
PoiutD anx-Trcniblos, ii. 223 ; 
Caileton lands at, in 66 , Mur- 
lay leptilsed at, ill 105; in 121; 
gariisun of, in 187 ; Boclibeau- 
court stationed at, iii 207, 

Point Levi, tho heights of, lii. 54. 
Poisson, Joautto, see Pompadoat, 
Madame dc 

Poland, icing of, see Augustus the 

Folbou, C.iplaiu, killed in tho 
battle of Mouongahela, i 236, 

Pomoxoy, Mrs Abigail, iii. 79 
Pomeroy, llov Benjaiiiui, on tho 
oxpoilitiuii against Xicondoioga, 
iil 7‘). 

Pomoioy, Daniel, in Shirley's e\- 
podituni .against Clown Point, i 
302 , killed in tlio h.itllo of Lake 
Geoigo, I 322. 

Pomoioy, Mrs. Daniel, letter from 
Seth i’oitioroy to, i 322, 323 
Pomeroy, Lienlenaut - Colonel 
Both, ill Bhiiloy's expedition 
against Crown Point, i 302; 
Ins loiters to his wife, i 302, 
316, 317, 323 ; writes to Israel 
WilIiaiiiB, {. 304 , on tho march 
to Lake George, i 806, on 
Dioskau’s ambush, i, 314, 315, 
on tho battle of Lake Geoige, 
I, 316, 317 ; bis lottei to Bacliel 
Pomoioy, i. 322, 323; on the 
Froneh losses in the battle of 
Lake George, i 324 ; journal of, 
i 328. 

Pomeroy, Both (sou), i. 302. 



Pomeroy, Mrs Seth, letteis fiom 
her husband to, i 302, 316, 317. 

Ponioioy, Thoodoie, i 328 

Pompadonr, Madame de, i 4 ; 
Amoiica owes much to the am- 
bitious vanity of, i 5, her in- 
famous USB of her power, i 17 , 
stinted in nothing by Iiouis XV , 
1 18 , the tiue inlor of Fiance, 
i 186 , her Litred for Fiedoric 
the Great, 11 39, MaiiaTbeiesa 
makes advances to, ii 40, leady 
to attack Fiederic, li 243 , her 
power, 11 249, never wavers 
in hei spite against Fiederic, ii. 
2B0, Bougainville’s interview 
with, iii, 13, Berms loses the 
favor of, 111 239 

Pondicherry, lii 286 j the French 
driven from, m 247 

Font a-Buot, the, destination of, i. 

Fontbiiand, Bishop, at Quebec, 
ill 108, 119, 153, 173, 288 

Pontiac, 1 217, 227 , n 329 

Pontloroy, the engineei, at Tieon- 
deioga, VI 306. 

“Porcupine,” the, Jervis in com- 
mand of, lu 127. 

Portland, town of, i 42, 176 See 
also Falmouth. 

Fortnouf, Bobmenn de, curd of 
St Joachim, i 74 ; m 105 

Port Royal, i 113. See also An- 

Portugal, Spain sends an army to 
invade, lu 249 , iii 258 

Post, Christian i^edeiic, mission 
of, II 832, his penis, li 333, 
bis evpeiiences, li 353-356 , ac- 
complishes his errand, ii 355, 
returus to Fort Angusta, ii 
356 , second mission of, ii 357 , 
at the Delaware towns, u. 357, 

TOL. III.— 24 

Potomac River, the, i 63, 198, 207. 

Pottawattamie, Indian village of, 

Fottawattamies, the, profess de- 
votion to the French, r 135, 
at Fort Duqiresne, i 217, at 
Ticonderoga, ii 125, at Mont- 
calm’s grand conncil, ii 174, 
sent to the defence of Foit 
Duqnesne, li 350 

Pottchot, Captain, i 92, on the 
hardships of tho Ohio entei- 
piiso, 1 . 134 , on the conduct of 
Jumonville,! 154, on tho defeat 
of Biaddock, i 229 , rebuilds 
Niagara, ii 60, m the attack 
on Oswego, ii. 97, 100, on the 
indifiercnce of the Canadian 
officers to Indian hutchery, u 
198, u 214, on the official 
knaveiy in Canada, ii 233, ii 
296, 805, arrives at Ticonde- 
toga, 11 310, 314, on the cap- 
tnieof Fort Frontenac, ii 338, 
m 85, m command at Niagaia, 
111 86 , bttmmons aid, iii 87 , 
besieged by Pndean\, in 87, 
m evtiemity, iii 87, suecoi at 
baud, 111 88 , Johnson demands 
his surrender, in 90, terms of 
capitulation, m 91 , in command 
at Fort Iidvis, iii 216 , attacked 
by Amherst, 111 216, surrenders 
to the Bnglish, 111 216, on the 
captuie of Foit Devis, III 216 

Pouhrraez, Colonel, with Montcalm, 
ui. 134, 147 

Pownall, Governor T, of Massa- 
chusetts, on the French m the 
Ohio valley, i 44 , on Gist’s ex- 
ploration of tho ( ihio country, i 
57, on the joarnal of Chnsto- 
phei Gibt, i 62, 11 161; letter 
from Fr^e to, li 202, advises 
London of the capture of Forfi 



William Tloiiry, n 20t ; Don 
doii''i lojily, II 205 , luttoi IroMi 
ChrifiUo (iU, II 20b , maUpi .i lo 
poit on tho uonditioii of 
chiiiieU>., 11 290 , 111 278, 279 

Fra!>iu', till) laUlo of, li 2 14 

Piauio ii la lloclie, liniiilol. of, 

I 41 

Pi'clilp, Aliijor ,16110111411 , 1 285 

L’loalmrg, tho Diot nt, hlnria 
Thoresa makes a momoraldo 
ap))e,il in, i 21, 22 

Pioslijteri.uiB, tho, in Ponnsylva- 
ni.i, 1 .'li i in Now York, i 35 ; 
dislike foil by the Quaker, s for, 

II 22 I 

Piosqu’ialo, i, 93, tho Ohio ex-' 

poditiou Liiids at, 1 . 1.33, 112, 
Coiitrociuur lands at, i 149 , ii 
368, 300 , ui 87 J bnrnod by the 
Pioneh, in 90 

Prosiiuhalo, Fort, 1 133, ISO. 

Pri'vo'.i, tho mlondaut, at Louls- 
bomq, 1 109 , on tho proposition 
torcpliiro tho Front'h jnipslfl in 
Ae.vlia, i 112; on tho biuning 
of UpiuibasHn, i 121, 122, on 
tho mill dpi of IIowu, i 121, i 
291, 292, hoikIm a niomorial to 
Diliponi, n 278; on tho siogo 
of Loiiishoiirg, li 287 ; on tho 
cost of Lo Loulio’s intiignos, 
lii 268 

PiideaiiN, Biigadiur, cliaigod with 
tho .itloiiipt to caplui'O Nuig.u,!, 
in 78 , in. 82 , his adraiu'O, lii 
81, at Niagai < 1 , iii 85, attaeKod 
by lav Como, ni 8.5; lays siogo to 
Niagara, iii 87 , doath of, iii 87 , 
iii. 95 

Prmco Edward’s Island, i. 102, 
Acadian emigration to, i 113 , 
ii 230 

Princess’s Bastion, tlia, at Lonis- 
bonrg, ii, 260, 269. 

Piiiiftle, Captain, ioiiis llogers, ii 

216 , a iipipo bush light, ii 216, 

217 , lofnses to osi,i]io, n 217 , 
advpiittirps of, ii. 217-219, his 
letter to Ilaviland, ii 219 

Piopriotaiy ostiitos iii Pounsylia- 
ina, the qiio.<.liou of tho taxation 
of, ii 23 

Piotostanks, the, in Pennsylvania, 

I 3t 

Piovinoe Arms, the, in New York, 

II 282 

Piovincos, tlio, Dinwiddle exas- 
perated at the sapiiiouesa of, i, 

Piovmoi.ll aimy, the, description 
of, { 302, nianiiors and moiols 
of, 1 303 

Pioviiipial camps description of, 

ii 89 

I’roviiiPial commiHsionors, tho, ii 

Proviiioials, tho, l.iek of harmony 
hplwopii tho Englmli rognlais 
and, ii 326, 320; Foihps dis- 
pliiaspd ivilli, li 343, in Wolfe’s 
pxpmlition to tho Ht Lawrence, 

iii 22 

" I’riidoiil,” tho, at Louishourg, 
11 269, 272, p.ipliirod by the 
English, 11 274 , btirued, ii. 

Piuhsia, raispd into impnitanu) by 
tlio Ilonso of liraiulenbiug, i, 
19 ; England iiiakos a defensive 
tiooty iMlli, ii. 39 j sooka a guor- 
antPO against liiissni, ii. 39 , the 
tliiee groat Powois leagued 
agnniht, ii. 41 , Sweden and 
Saxony join against, ii 41; a 
Protestant nation, ii 41 , raised 
by tho Seven Y 0 . 118 ’ War to a 
fiist-plais Power, li. 244 ; crowned 
with glorv. Ill 266 
I I’lUbsiaus, tho, defeated by tha 



Bussians, iii 233 , defeated at 
Euneredorf. iii 233; defeated 
at Maxen, iii 234 , victonoue at 
Iiiegiiitz, III 285; victorious at 
Toigau, 111 235 

Fuiitan colonies, the, i 30 

Funtanism, not an unmixed hless- 
ing, 1 29 

Putnam, Major Isiael, in Shirley’s 
expedition against Clown Point, 

I 302, as a scout, ii IIS, 116, 
with Iluwe at Ticonderoga, ii 
303 , at Foit Anne, ii 329 ; at- 
tacked by Mann, ii 330, cap- 
tured by the Indians, ii 331 , 
his adventures, ii .332-334 

Fuysieux, Marquis de, takes his 
cue from Madame de Pompsr 
dour, 1 17. 

Pynchon, Doctor, on the battle of 
Lake Geoige, i 317 

Pyrrhic dance, the, of the Greeks, 

II 95 

Quaker Assbmblt, the, refuses 
to protect the pioprieUry es- 
tates, 11 23 See also Pennaijl- 
vania AssemUy, the. 

Quakers, the, in Pennsylvania, i 
S3, 34, 200 ; Philadelphia takes 
its stamp from, il. 22 ; their dis- 
like for the Fiesbyteiiana, ii 22 , 
held It to be sinful to fight 
against the Indians, ii 22, in 
Philadelphia, li. 24, consider 
Broddock’s defeat a just judg- 
ment, ii 26; their struggle 
against the governor, ii 26-33 , 
forced to yield, ii 34 

Quebec, need of winter communi- 
cation between Cape Breton and, 
1 128, 1 131, 191,192, 247,251 , 
Be Iioutre at, i. 261 , Charle- 
voix’s aocoimt of, ii 47 , Mont 
calm at, ii. 51 , Shirley’s plan to 

attack, u 68; the plan aban- 
doned, il 69 , Montcalm's opin- 
ion of, 11 144 ; Montcalm m, li. 
211, II 237, Pitt’s plan to cap- 
ture, n 253, impatience of Wolfe 
to attack, il 285 , census of, m 
17; Wolfe named by Pitt to 
lead the expedition against, in 
31 ; Piench pieparations for the 
defence of, in 36-44, gairiBon 
of, ui 43 ; impatience at, iii 44 , 
arrival of the English fleet, m. 
45, a natniul fortress, iii M ; 
weakened by the absence of 
Ijdvis, ill 103; lii 123, 128, 133, 
ISO, 151 ; abandoned by Yan- 
drouil to Its fate, iii. 151 , iii 
158, Townshend pushes his at- 
tack on, iii 159; snrrenders to 
the English, ill 160 ; the terms 
of capitulation, iii 161 , Van- 
dreuil to blame for the loss of, 
hi 160; occupied by the Eng- 
lish, ill 161 , Murray in com- 
mand of, iii 161 , liamesay 
blamed by Vandrenil for the 
suirender of, lii 162, iii 168, 
after the eiege, in 172, 173, 
Bwarme with troops, ill 173; 
Mnirny’s hnmane command in, 
lu. 178, winter at, iii 178; ru- 
mors of the approach of Lens, 
in 180; iii 182, disease and 
death at, in. 185 , French hopes 
of recovenng, m, 185; Ldvis 
sets out Bganist, iii 186, iii 190; 
its fate trembles in the balance, 
ni 198, Murray stiengthens the 
defences of, iii 198 , relief ai rivee 
at, III 201 , the siege raised, 
in 203, retreat of the Fiencb, 
111 203 ; lii, 231 , force of the 
French and English at, lii 265 
Qnebec, the Basin of, in 55, 63, 
69, Saundeis in, lu 125, 



Quebec, the batteries of, lii 65 ; 

the “ Ijutherloud ” pasee';, ui 66 
Quebec, the battle of, iii, 139-141 
Quebec, the Bishop of, i 111, 
(Joiiiwiilhs expresses his iiidigiia 
tiun towaids the Froiirli piiesta 
to, I 111,112, thinks Le Loutre 
too violent, i. 119; receives Le 
Loulie ivith lepiuaclies, i 261, 
his leUtioiis with the Acailnina, 

1 265 ,1 269 , on the Erench 
prepaiations, iii 87 
Quebec, the diocese of, i 98. 
Quebec inllitia, the, iii 43 
Quebec, the plateau of, m, 188 
Quebec, the Bock of, i 24, 44, iii 
18, 41, 54. 

Queen's Bastion, the, at Louis- 
bouig, II. 260, 273 
Queen’s Battery, the, at Quebec, | 
111 SO 

Queidisieu-Tiemait, sent to Can- 
ada to make investigation, ii 
241 ; bis discoveries, ii 241 j on 
the siege of Louisbourg, ii 

Baob, Capb, i 192 
" Bacehorse,” the frigate. Ill 188, 

“Bake's Bi ogress,” the, i 9 
Bameau, on the Canadian popula- 
tion, 1 . 23 ; on the Acadian emi- 
gration, i 244. 

Batnesay, Clievaliei do, in com- 
mand at Quebec, iii 43 ; Mont- 
calm asks aid fiom, iii 136 , in 
188; Montcalm's last words to, 
ill 162; 111 164; Vaudrouil's 
letters to, iii, 154, 165 ; his de- 
spondency, iii 156, 166; leceivcs 
a petition asking bun to capitu- 
late, iii 156, a council of war, 
ill 156; forced to capitulate, iii 
169, 160; the terms of capitula- 

tion, iii 161 , blamed by Vau> 
dreuil for the surrendei of 
Quebec, 111 162, iii 170,191. 

Bamsay, B, A , in, 101 

Bdiiekigh Gaideus, i. 9. 

Bapide Plat, the, Amherst de- 
scends, III 217 

“Bascal, Fort,” see New Oswego, 

Battlcsuako Hill, li 308 

Battlesnnkos, 1 76. 

Baymond, Comte de, French com- 
m.iudei on the Maumee, i. 55; 
sinister tidings fiom, i 87 , let- 
ters of, 1 88 , 1 89 , commander 
at Cape Breton, i 100, his in- 
structions conceinmg Acadia, i, 
106, 110 , instiucted by the King 
to encouiagothe missionaiies to 
mge the Indians to attack the 
English, III 267 

Bnynnl, Abbd, makes an ideal pic- 
ture of the Acadians, i 268. 

Baystown, hamlet of, ii 341, 345, 
349, 363, 365 

Kea, Dr. C.dob, in Bngloy’s Massv 
chnsetts rogiinoiit, ii 323, his 
diary, ii 323 ; his choir, li 823 ; 
on the piovinciol (.haplains, ii 
321, Ills abhorioiice of profan- 
ity, li 324, 325 , on the lack of 
harmony between the regnlais 
and the provincials, ii 325, 326. 

Beading (Fonii ), in preparation 
foi on attack by the Indians, 
ii 30 

Bccollots, the, at Quebec, lii 60, 
church of, iii 173 

Bod Head, chief sachoni at Onon- 
daga, II. 78 , death of, ii 78 

Bedstone Creek, 1 ISO, Dinwiddie 
oiders a rendezvous at, i 160; 
storehouse of the Ohio Company 
at, i 161 ; the stoiehouse burned 
by Villiers, i 167. 

Bogulais, the Bnglish, lock of ha^ 

INDEX. 878 

non^ between the proyincials 
and, 11 325, 326. 

Rennes, Montcalm at, ii. 48 
Repentigny, Lieutenant, li 232; 
at Quebec, iii 59, 60, stationed 
at Jacqnes-Cartiei, ui. 207. 
I’r'itorntion, the, i, 7 
Revolutionary War, the, see War 
of Independence, 

Rhine, the, i 19 
Rhine countries, the, ui. 246. 
Rhode Island, colony of, i. 28 ; 
featnres of, i 28 , joins Shirley’s 
expedition against Crown Point, 
J 297 ,* Parliament makes a grant 
to, ii, 69. 

Rhode Island regiment, the, with 
Abeicrombie, it 299 
Rhode Island troops, the, in Shir- 
ley’s expedition against Crown 
Point, 1 303 

Richelieu, Marshal, supreme in the 
arts of gallantry, 1 12, ii 252 
Richelieu River, the, i 300) li 64, 
115, 141 ; lil. 43, 92, 177 
” Richmond,” the frigate, lil 47. 
Richson, LieutenantColonel, letter 
from Wolfe to, ui 31 
Rigand, Pierre Pranfoia, brother 
of the Marquis do Vaudreuil, in 
the expedition against Oswego, 
li 95, 96, 99 , holds chief com- 
mand of expedition against Fort 
William Henry, ii 136; the 
attack, 11 . 136-138, his retreat, 
u 139; ii 148, 151; among the 
Mission Indians, li. 164; at 
Ticonderoga, ii. 174; governor 
of Tliiee Rivers, li 224 ; official 
knavery of, u. 231 ; ii 292 , ui 
92; on the force of French and 
English at Qnebec, lii. 286 
Rigand, Madame de, i! 224. 
Rimouski, county of, 1 . 131. 

” Rippon," the, in. 288. 

Rivihre h la Roche, see Miami 

Rivihre aux Bceufa, i 133 
Roanoke, i. 62 

Robison, John, on Wolfe at the 
Heights of Abraham, in 129 
Robinson, Sir Thomas, i 182, m- 
capacity of, i. 186; i 1B8, dis- 
simulation, 1 190, 1 192, 193; 
letteis from Shirley to, i 200, 
229 , letters from Braddock to, 
1 205, 207 , letter from Sinclair 
to, i. 229 , instrnctb Shirley to 
attack the Fiench, 1 249 , i 256; 
latter horn Moms to, ii 25. 
Rochbsauconrt, stationed at 
Pointe-anx-ThiembleB, m 207 
Roche, Lieutenant, joins Rogers, 
u 215, a fierce bush-fight, u. 

216, 217, refuses to escape, ii. 

217, adventures of, n 217-219 
RochebUve, M de, in 272 
Rochefort, i 189, 190, Pitt sends 

an expedition to attack, li 260, 
253,111. 29 

Rochester, city of, i 78 
Rocky Monutaius, the, i 22, 135 
Rodney, Admiral, sails for Mar- 
tmique, in 248 ; joined by 
Mouckton, ni 248 , seizes Mar- 
tinique, HI 248. 

Rogers, Lieutenant Richard, ii 
120 ; death of, ii 208 
Rogers, Captain Robert, the par- 
tisan chief, makes a report on 
Ticonderoga, li. 77, in Wins- 
low's camp, ii 118; sketch of, 
li 119; exploits of, 11 . 121-125, 
his report to Johnson, li. 124, 
peiplexes the French, ii 125 , 
on a scouting expedition, ii 
129, 130; a desperate bush- 
fight, 11 131 ; wounded, li 132 ; 
on the losses sustained by both 
sides, u 133; makes a raid 



againstt the Eiencli, ii SIS; a 
iieiio hUbh-flght, n !216, 217; 
defeated, ii 217, lus deUded 
lopoit of the fight, u 219, hia 
eRUiipo, II 220 ; 11 29(1 , with 
Aboieiunibio, ii 299, 300, 301, 
303 , on tlio do.ilh of Iluwe, ii 
304 i on tlie deloiicoH at Ticoii- 
deioga, II 307, bOlit to cut off 
the h'leiiili, II 328; hiblnclc of 
caution, 11 329, attacked by 

Maim, II 330; the battle item 
Eoit Auiie, II 331 ,111 6 , (.cut 
to punish the St Piaiicia In- 
dians, ill 03, 96 ; Aiiihoist’s 
imlvaelwnt to, in 90, his ex- 
pedition, 111 97 ; his success, hi. 
98, on the suifeiiiigs of the 
caugeiii.iii 99, loaehes ‘‘Num- 
ber I'ouit’Mii 100, at Isle-aux- 
Nmx, III 214; on Anilici'bl’s 
expedition against Canada, iii 
214, 216 

Rogers' langers, ii. 116, at Lake 
Gciiigo, ii 120; thoii life, ii 
120, a despeiate biisli fight, ii. 
131-133, letter of thanks from 
Abereromliie to, li. 133, with 
Abercrombie, ii 299, m 93, 
sent ngiiiiist tlie St Ifraiicis 
IiKliaii>(, 111 98, 96; their siic- 
COBS, iii 98 , theii snifoiiogs, 
in 99 ; at Ibic anx-Noix, iix 

Rogers’ Rock, ii 117, 129, 166, 
178, 216, 218, 220,300, 302 

Rollo, Rorcl, sent to Isle St Joan, 
11 284, ndrouceb against Can- 
ada, iii 209. 

Roma, testifies to the mildness of 
British rule in Acadia, i 100, 
oil the Acadian emigration, i 
US; lii 265 

Roman Catholic orthodoxy, in 
Canada, i, 23. 

Roman Catholics, the, in Maiy^ 
huul, 1 36 , 1 200 
Romanists, the, in I*euu8yliaiiia, 
1 34. 

“Roman politique,” amusing ab- 
buidity of, 1 182 
Rome, the myrmidons of, i 304 
Romo (N. Y ), city of, ii. 7. 
Rofjuum.iuio, 1 . 309, st.iUoned at 
St .Tolin, 111 213 , yoiucd hy 
Bougainville, iii. 214, crosses 
to Moiitioal, lii 218 
Ro'o, Captain, killed in the battle 
of Monongaliela, i 236 
Ro<ibb.iLh, h'ledenc of Trussia 
wins At, 11 2i5, 261 ; begins 
the le-creation oi Germany, iii 

Rosining, i 190 , de,ith of, i 193 
Roubaiid, Jesuit mibSioiiary of the 
Aliemikm of St Pi am is, do- 
seiibes n wai -feast of the Mis- 
sion Indians, li 168-170, his 
doBciiplioii of caiuiilialibm, ii 
171 , at Wontcalm's gi.nid lonn- 
Lil, 11 176 ; a night niaim, ii. 
181, on (he Induiii ImUhciy at 
Port Henry, ii 194, 
201, 202 , 203, on the Indian 
allies, 11 203, in. IbO; char- 
acter of, lii 170 

Ronillii, the mmibtei, i 69 , letter 
fiom Bn .Tonquicro coiicctuing 
the Acadian oath of allegiance, 
i. 103; hiB loUor to Desher- 
bioiB, 1 105 , Loiigiieuil com- 
plains to, I 107 , Bigot loports 
to, i 108; Brevost writes to, i 
109; his covoit lustrnctlous to 
Raymond, i 110; his letter to 
La Joiiquiiiro, i 110 
Roundheads, tlie, i 31 . 

Rons, Captain, oaptnies the "St 
Franyois,” i 120; in Shiiley’s 
expedition against Uio French, 


{ 256; rcacTiea Annapolia, i 
256 ; on the attack on Port 
Boauadjotti, i 259 , sent to cap- 
tnra Pionch post on the St 
John, I 262 

Bonssoau, i. 18, school of, i 132 
Boyal Americans, the, with Ahei- 
crombie, ii 299, 307 , m Poi lies’ 
expedition nsainst Poit Du- 
qncsne, u. 340 ; in Grant’s ex- 
pedition, u 359 , 11 3b7 , at 
Qnebec, iii 73, 74 , then losses, 
111 76 ; on the Heights of Abia- 
ham, 111 133, in the battle of 
Quebec, iii 142 

Boyal Battery, the, at Qnebec, iii 


Boyal Boussillon, the legiment 
of, destined for Canada, ii 49 , 
sent to Ticoudeioga, ii 64 , 
at Ticondeioga, ii 165, 310, 
313 ; in Monttalm’s expedition, 
II, 180, at Quebec, iii 72, 135 
"Boyal William," the, m 102 
Buggies, 111 the battle of Lake 
Geoige, 1 318 

Biigglcs’s Mnssarhiisetts regi- 
ment, 111 , 79, 225 
Biiissean St -Denis, iii 131 
Biissia, Prussia seeks a giiaiantee 
against, ii 39 ; Maiia Theiesa 
]olns heiself in seciet league 
with, II 40; joins Austria and 
Pi'unce against Finssia, ii 41, 
243 , becomes the ally of Prus- 
sia, iii 245 

Bnssia, Bmpiess of, see Eheabeth 
of liussia 

Bnssians, the, flee before Pied- 
ana of Prussia, in 233 ; defeat 
General Wodell, ui 233 
Bntherford, on the defeat of 
Braddock, i 229 , on the siege 
of Kiagara, in 87 
Byswick, the treaty of, i 47. 


Sabbath Day Point, ii 172, 300 
Sabievois, at Montcalm’s grand 
council, 11 175 
Sackett’s Iloibor, n 95 
Sacs, the, profess devotion to the 
Piench, 1 . 135, at Montcalm’s 
grand council, ii 174. 
Saint-Ange, in command at Tin- 
ceuues, 1 87 

St Angnstin, iii 152, Leris at, 
m 150, 187, 111 182 
SamtBlin, ii 241. 

St Chailcs River, the, li 225 ; lii 
41, 42, 50, 128, 133, 184, 135, 
141, 144, 145, 149, 151, 158, 193, 

Saiiit-deic, Benoit de, i. 88 
Saint-Ploientin, Comte de, takes 
his cue from Madame de Pom- 
padour, 1 17 

St Francis, the mission of, i 216, 
, II 58, 353 ; in 97 , destruction 
of, 111 98 , 111 170 
St Fiancis Indians, the, iii 98 
St Francis River, the, iii 96, 97, 

“St Fxanfois," the French armed 
bug, captured by the English, 
1 120 

St Helen, the Island of, in 221 
Soint-Ignace, Mhie Aimable Dubd 
do, lu 292 
St Jean, Fort, i 26 
St, Joachim, the parish of, burned 
by Wolfe, iii 104 
St John, the subuih of, ii 115 , 
iii 146 , Roqnenmme stationed 
at. 111 218 ; Bougainville cut off 
from communication with, iii 
214 , abandoned by the French, 
ui 214 

St John, Fort, u 141 
St John, the gate of, at Quebec^ 
lii 135, 144 

St John Rivei, the, i. 120, 260; 



El 0111 li poll at tlio inoiitli of, 1 
S(i2 ; I 2<)2, 294 ; H 284 , ill 2.91 
St .foliij’H, Ciijitiiiod hy llio Ifioiiib, 
111 2 t‘t , loUkoii lii the Hiighsh, 
iii 240. 

St .Tiihcpli Hnoi, tlio, 1 44 
SaiiiWiilicii, LiouLoii.iiit-Colonol 
do, at Linuiliiuiig, li 2(it. 

S uiit-Lamoiis 11 lOJ 
St Lciiiiciit, tlio oliiivoh of, on tlio 
Island of Orlo.iiH, in 49. 

St L.Wionco, Gnlt of, i 42,110, 
il 285, 280 , 111 2.10, 2,02 
St Jiaaicuco Hapids, tlio, iii 84, 

St Lawronco Rivor, the, i 5 , 
bowed by the 'Fieiicli, i 22, i 
2') , lapida of, i 41 , i bO, 72, 
93, 128, ISO, 131 , hroiilt.tliit on, 
h 51, n 141,211,284, natoliod 
by lliitibli ships. 111 11 , 111 14, 
10, 18; WolfoV oxpoilitiim to, 
ill 22, 111 32, 3t, La Corno 
soiit to. 111 3b , 111 30, 41, 42, 
4.1, 45, 00, 52, 55, 58, 01, (i2, 70, 
7b, 91, 96, 90, 129, 13.1, Il8, 
152, 188, 200, 201, eoiiipk'lo 
blockado of, 111 207, Mmraj 
to ascend, iii. 207 , iii 214, 230, 

St Lawioiioo Tlivci, tlio Lower, 
1 4. 

St, Lawrence Biior, the Upper, 
1. 4 

St, Lome, site of, i. 41. 

St Loins, the gate of, at Qnoliec, 
111 1.15, 141, 144, 191, 198 
St. Louis, Lake, iii 217 
St. Louis Street, in Quebec, iii 

St. Liicia, captnied by the Eng- 
lish, in 248; restored toPinnco, 
in 252 

St Malo, 11 237, 252 
St Michel, the lioiglits of. Ill 110 

St Nicolas, the village of, iii 123 
Sanit-Cluis, nulitia of, in Moub 
i.iIid’h e\ped]tiou, ii 180 
Sanit-Oius, hi.idamo dn, n 116. 

St Vaiil, s.ukod and Immed by 
Wolfe, m UU. 

St Veter, the islands of, ni 210 
St Vuloihlmig, n 212 
St Vliilijipe, li.inilet of, i 44. 

St Vieiio, tile Isbiiid of, in 252 
S,iiiit-Vicii‘o, Jaeipios, Logardeur 
do, oiilciod to tlio Ohio bj Du- 
qnesiie, i 1,15, ariivos at Eort 
Lo Buiiif, I 1.10, Washington 
bungs a lottci fiom Diuwiddie 
to, 1 1.17, 1.11, 140, Wiishiugs 
ton's dosciiption of, i 189 , his 
leply to Diuwiddio, i 140, Ins 
locuptiim of W.ishingloii, 1 140, 
tiies to will over the Half-King, 
i UO , 111 loinimuid of Indian 
alliC'i, i ,108, di'.ith of, I 315 
St Uoeh, in bt, 1 It, 156, 190 
St Sacroineiil, Lac, boe Ceoige, 

St. Sorvaii, < ajitiired b) the Eng- 
lish, 11 252 

Snmt-Vcian, IiOni.s .Tosoph, Mnr- 
ipiiH do Moiitc.ilni-Uo/oii de, see 
Monhulm, JMUf> dc 
Sainl-Veinn. Madamo do, mother 
of Montcalm, ietleib fioin Mont- 
culm to, II 47, 48, 58, 142, 145, 
152, 212, in .1, 1.1, IS, lettois 
fioiii Eong.iiiiullu to, iii, 15, 10, 

St Vincent, captniod by the Eng- 
lish, in 248,252, 

St Vincent, Earl, in command of 
the ‘'rortupino,*' in 127 , with 
Wolto at Quebec, iii 127, 

St Yotoc, SCO Snoto 
Slo Aiuie de-l.i-Verade, ii 224 
Samte Claude, Mero do, Siijierior 
of the UuhpiUl imiis, iii 176. 

INDEX 877 

Ste-Eoy, iii. 150, 178; foitifled 
outpost at, in 180 , L&vis before, 
m 187,188, leuifoiced by Mur- 
ray, 111 . 190, Murray attacks 
Ldvis at, m 193 , the battle, in 
195 , retreat of the English, iii 
195; the losses, in 197, author- 
ilies on the battle of, ili 304, 
111 338 , strength of the Eientli 
and English nt the battle of, in 

Ste llclbno. Isle, ii 146 

Sto Maiie, Eort, becomes a post 
of war, i 80. 

Samoa, French post of, in 119, 
ISO, silenced by the English, 
in 132, ill 134 

Saiatoga, i 180 , ii 75, 88, 140 

Saiilmia, King of, i 21. 

Sargent, Mr, on Braddock in 
Gibialtar, i. 197 , on Ilanbury, 
1 204, on Orme, i 210, on tho 
Indians at Foit Cumberland,! 
811 , on the battle of Mononga- 
hela, i 223 

Saul, George, the commissary, i 
288, 289 

Sauiideis, Admiral, in 32, 85, 111, 
117 , in the Basin of Quebec, lii 

125, his pretended attack, lii 

126, 126; on 'Wolfe’s ascent of 
the Heights of Abraham, iii 130 , 
in 134 , returns home, ni 162 

Sant St Louis, i. 216 , ii 162, 164 

Saut St Louis Indiana, the, join 
the French against the English, 
1. 159 

" Sauvage,” the, li 49 

Saxe, Marshal, i 12, 14 , on Mire- 
poix, 1 186 , death of, i 187 , i. 
189, 319, 322. 

Saxony, joins the throe great Pow- 
ers against Prussia, ii, 41^ 244 , 
Frederic of Prussia marches 
into, 11 243 

Saxony, Elector of, see Auguittu 
the Sttong 

Scarroyaddy, the famous chief, L 

Schenectady, Dutch Tillage of, 
Shiiley at, ii 6, ii 210, Tau- 
drenil plans to threaten, ii 292 
Schools, flee, opposed by Sir Wil- 
ham Berkeley, i 32 
Schuyler, Colonel, ii 4, 82, 804, 

I 334 

Schuyler, Mrs,, n 4, 5, fondness 
for Howe, ii 297 ; learns of his 
death, ii 304 

Schujlers, the, in New Tork, i 85. 
Scbweimts!, i 58 

Scioto, Sliawanoe town of, Bien- 
ville at, 1 . 52 
Scioto River, the, i 59 
Scotch Highlandeis, the, ii 254, 
ordered to America, ii 254 
Scotch-Insh, the, at Logstown, i. 

Scoteh-Irish Presbytenans, the, in 
Pennsylvania, ii 26 
Scotland, ii 254 
Scott, 1 146 

Scott, Captain George, letter from 
Pichon to, 1 253, in Shirley’s 
regiment, i 255, in the attack 
on Fort Beausi^]onr, i. 258, 261 ; 
at Beausdjour, i 263 , at Loms- 
bonrg, 11 265 
Scouts, the, 11 115. 

Second Church, the, m Lancaster, 
m 224 

Second Narrows, ii 300. 

Segor, Coiint, i 19 
Seminary, the, at Montreal, iii. 

Seminary, the, at Quebec, garden 
of. 111 SO ; 111 56 
Seneca Lake, i 68 
Senecas, the, i 47, La Galissoni- 
bre's message to, i 47 , promise 


compliance to the Eiench, i 48 , 
1 , 69 , at Niagara, i. 74, 7S , Jon- 
cairo gains ovei most of, i. 178, 
ii. 36S 

Senegal, seized by the English, u. 

Senegal country, the, taken from 
the El each, in. 347 , coded by 
Erouco, 111 3.52 

Seuezorgues, Brigadioi, mortally 
TTOundod, 111 148 

Seven Yeais* War, the, i 3 ; made 
England what she is, i. 5 , rums 
Eronce in two continents, i 5, 
laises Piuesia to a flisl-cUss 
Power, li 244; doportinout of 
British offleers to, ii, 326, end 
of. 111 254, loss of life in, iii 
256 , uselessness of, iii 256 

Sowell, Colonel Matthew, on Dies- 
kau, 1 322 

Shades of Douth, the, i 213 

Sharpe, Goveiuoi, of Maryland, 
summouod to Alo\nndiia by 
Biaddoek, l 199 ; i 20!) 

Shawauoes on the Alleghany, the, 
profess devotion to tlio Eioiicb, 
1. 1.55. 

Shawauoes, the, in the Ohio val- 
ley, 1 . 4.5 j villages of, i 48, 52 , 
i. 49; Bienville among, i. 52; 
then rough tiealmeiit of Jun- 
cairo, i. 52, 53 ; i 61 , hearty in 
the Euglish cause, i 62, i 210; 
at Port Duquesno, i. 217 ; sot on 
by Dumas to attack the border 
settlements, ii. 14 ; pledge them- 
selves to the English, ii. 70, 
Governor Morris declares war 
against, li 80, Governor Bel- 
cher declares war against, li. 80 ; 
Eorhes tries to win over, ii 361 ; 
wavering, li. 352 ; ]oin the Eng- 
lish, 11 369 

Shell) J.G,i. 218,221, 239. 

Shobbenre, Dr., a political pam- 
phleteer, on IlauWiy, 1 . 204 
Shoiiniigo, 1 49 

Shepherd, Captain, escape of, ii. 

“ Sheppard, Jack,” i 9 
Sheibrnoke, town of, in 101 
Shingas, receives Post, ii 853, 
Shippensbuig, Eoibos at, li 344, 

Shirley, Captain .Tolin, m the Ni- 
agara, expedition, ii 8, his let- 
ters to Governor Moms, ii 8, 9, 
11 , death of, ii 9 , insists on tak- 
ing Eronteiiac before attempting 
Niagara, li. 10 
Shiiley, Port, ii 111, 

Shiiley,, govemoi of 
M.issticbnsotts, English commis- 
sioner on tho question of Amer- 
ican buuiidaiics botwooii Eiauce 
and Eiigliind, 1 128; i 146, le- 
tiirns to America, i 175, char- 
aclcristicB of, i. 175, secures a 
large grant of money from his 
Assembly fur protection against 
the Eroiicli, i. 175, sends Wins- 
low to tho Kpiiiioboo, 1 . 176, at- 
tiindo of, i. 177 ; on tho Albany 
pUii of union, i 182 ; Imilds Port 
llnliCiix, I 190; suiiinioncd by 
Braddock to Alexandria, i. 198 ; 
his socoiid inoi'i'ingo, i, 199; his 
plans foi expelling tho Eionch, 
i 159; paints tho dniigois beset- 
ting llie British colouias, i 200 ; 
in tho front of opposition to 
Eionch designs, i. 201 , debt of 
gratitude dno to, i, 201 ;■ plan of 
campaign settled upon, i 201 ; 
assumes the comiiiaiid of expe- 
dition against Niagaia, i 201 ; 
on the defeat of Braddock, i. 
220 , on tho conduct of Dunbar, 
i, 241; becoiiiOB commander in- 



cUef, i 341 , determines to re- 
new offensive operations, i 241 1 
his pioject for pinging Acadia 
of French influence, i 343 , let- 
ter from (iovernor Lawrence to, 
i, 248 , offers to assist Lawrence 
against the French, i 249, m- 
structed by Bobinson to attack 
the French, i 249 , plans to 
anticipate the French, i. 260, 
active pieparations, i 364 , com- 
missiuuB Winslow to raise vol 
unteers, i. 264 j forms a regiment, 

i 256 ; his fleet sails, i 256 , ar- 
rives at Boansdjour, i. 256, felt 
the necessity of ridding Acadia 
of the Acadians, i 266 ; his plan 
to attack C'lown Point, i 398, 
puts William Johnson in com- 
mand, 1 297 , delays, i 301 ; the 
expedition a failure, i. 325, 
urges ,ToIinson to capture Ticon- 
deroga, i 335, sets out on the 
Niagara expedition, li 4 , airivcs 
at Albany, ii 4 ; up the Mohawk, 
11 . 5 , make-up of his force, ii. 6 , 
at Schenectady, ii 6, at the 
Great Carrying Place, ii 6 ; at 
Wood Cieek, ii 7 ; on Lake 
Oneida, ii 7 , leains of Brad- 
dock’s defeat, ii 8 , learns of his 
son’s death, ii 8, death of his 
second son, ii 9 , lettei of con- 
dolence from Governor Morns 
to, ii. 9 , difflculties, li. 10; holds 
a council of war, ii 11, aban- 
dons the expedition, ii 11, 12; 
returns to Albany, ii 12; his 
falling out with Johnson, ii 13 ; 
dlveits the New Jersey regiment 
fiom Clown Point to Niagara, 
11 12, encroaches on Johnson’s 
office of Indian superintendent, 

ii 12, holds confeieiices with 
the Five Nations, ii 12; John- 

son inveighs ag^ainst the Indian 
agents of, ii 12, Governor De- 
lancey takes umbrage at, ii 13 , 
letteisfromMoriisonthe Quaker 
attitude to, u 26, 27 , ii. 60 ; on 
the destittction of Fort Bull, ii. 
b2, calls a council of war in New 
York, ii 68 , his plan for a now 
campaign, ii. 68 , New Kngland 
doubtful of the military abilities 
of, li 69; Parliament makes a 
grant for hie new campaign, ii 
69, completing his plans, li 70, 
a heavy blow, ii. 70, removed by 
the ministry, ii 70, his eclipse, 
11 . 71, lebuilds the fort at the 
Great Carrying Place, ii. 71, 
longs for the aid of the Five 
Nations against Niagara and 
Frontenac, li 80, his company 
of boatmen, ii 80, on Brad- 
street’s Fight, 11 83 , Bradstreot’s 
sutcoss temporal ily silences the 
enemies of, li 84 , leduuhled 
cares of, ii 84 , reinfoices Os- 
wego, 11. 86 , lesigiis hiB com- 
mand, 11 86 , meets Lord Lon 
don m New York, ii 86 , on the 
Oswego defences, ii 86, urges 
Winslow to preserve harmony 
with Loudon, ii 88 , correspond- 
ence of, ii 88; accused by London 
of leaving Oswego weakly garri- 
soned, 11 101 ; on the capture of 
Oswego, 11 103 , wieck of his 
scheme for cutting New Fiance 
m twain, li 104, reasons for his 
failure, ii 104, 105 ; the opposing 
force, li. 105, 106; blamed hy 
Loudon for the loss of Oswego, 
ii 107, ordered to England, ii. 
107, his replv, ii 107, Fiaak- 
lin’s opinion of, li 108; sails for 
England, li. 108 , made governor 
of the Bahamas, u 108, on the 



exploits of Rolievt Rogers, u 
124, letter fiom Wiiiblowto, n 
12b, II 335, 111 2Jfa 
Shirley, Williiiin (bon), Biiuldoek’s 
soeietiUy, on the of 
Bincldock, i. 195, his lelteis to 
Govoriioi Moms, i 105, 209, at 
Alo\<indi'ia, i 108 , killed lu the 
kittle of Muuoug.ihela, i 227, 
238 i ii 8 

Shuloy’s icgiment, to attack Ki- 
again, 1 . 201 , coiiipositiun of, i 
255 ; 111 the Kingnin o\poditiuu, 
11 6 , at Roit Bull, II 61, in 
Shirley's new cam])aign, u 70, 
comes to Bradsti eel’s a«sist,into, 
11 82 , at Fort Pepporiell, li 99 
Short, Richard, views in Quebec 
diaivn by, ili 173. 

Shnlicnncadio River, the, Le Lon- 
tre's mission on the banks of, i. 

Shucklratgli, Dr , i 135. 

Shuto, John, n 132 
Silesia, pioviiice of, seised by 
Fiodeiioof I'lussin, i 21 j Rrod- 
erio the Great robs Mniia The 
rcsa of, li 39, the Anstrians 
take, il 245 

Silhonetto, French commissioner 
on the question of Amorican 
boundaiies hetwoen Fiance and 
England, i. 128 

Sillery, in 56, 117, 120; taken by 
tbe English, in. 132; lu 177, 
180, 100, 294 
Sillery Wood, lu 192 
Sinclair, Sir John, angry at the 
apathy of Fennsvlvania, i 205 , 
1 222 , wounded m the bailie of 
Monongahola, i 227 ; on the de 
feat of Biaddock, i 229; in 
Follies’ expedition against Fort 
Dnqucsne, ii 342, 345, 316 , in- 
efflcienoy of, ii 347. 

Sinioto, see Scioto 
“ Siion,” the, i 206. 

"Siieiie,” tlio, 11 49. 

Six Nalious, the, i 61. See also 
f'lue Naiiom of the fioquoia, the 
Slaioiy, in Vuginia, i. 32. 

Skives, in the pioiincos, i 200 , 

237 ; in Viiginia, ii lb 
Small-pox, 1 88 , 11 . 127, 193, 208, 


Smith, James, captnied by the 
Indians, i 217 ; at Foil Dn- 
quesno, i 218, 21 9 , on the battle 
of Monoug.ihrln, i 229-231 
Smith, John, i 236 
Smith, William, on the character 
of the piovmcinl army, i 303, 
on llic Pennsvlvanian disputes, 
11 36 , on the Shiiloj-Jolinson- 
Delnnioy dispute, II 14, on the 
quanel ovei qnartoiing troops, 
11 128, on Ijoudnn, 11 205; on 
Vaudiomrs jealousy of Mont- 
cnliii, II 206, 11 242, on the 
batllo of Sto-Foy, in 205; on 
Amlioi'st’s oxpodllion against 
Canada, in 218 

Smilh, William, of Rhode Island, 
at 'I'lcondorogn, li. 314. 

Smollotl, i, 9, 165 ; iidicnlos the 
Duke of Nowcastlo, i 186; on 
Wolfe’s ascoiil of the Heights of 
Abiahnin, ili 130 
Smyth, the Englihli traveller, on 
Williainsbuig, 1 . 170, on Vit- 
giiimu life, i 170. 

Sodns Bay, F^ilher Piquet at, i 76 
Soinorvogol, on Duniob and his 
pupil Montcalm, ii 44 ; on 
Montcalm, ii 16. 

Soiel, the town of, Murray at, hi 
210 , Bonrlamaqno in command 
at, 111 210 

Soto, De, see De Soto, 

Soubiso, 1 12. 



South Bay, i 306, 307, 310, 31S, 
324; 11 76, 89, 123, 183, 328, 
lli 83 

South Carolina, colony of, i 36, 
sends conimisBionera to Albany, 
1 , 65, Dinwiddle appeals lor 
aid against the Brenoh to, i 146 ; 
responds to the appeal, i. 147, 
157 , Glen governor of, i 183 
Spain, House of Bourbon bolds 
the throne of, i 12, m 241, 
Carlos III boLomes King of, in 
242, a change in pohcy, iti 
242, the ''Family Compact,” 
111 242, England declares war 
against, 111 247; regrets her 
rash compact with France, iii 

249 , invades Foitngal, iii 249 , 
receives back Havana, and 
cedes Florida, iii 252, Hew 
Orleans and Louisiana made 
ovei to. 111 253, smking into 
decay, iii 258 

Spoiks, on Washington’s attack 
on Jufflonville, i 156, on the 
fight at Great Meailows, i 164, 
on the capitulation at Fort Ho- 
cessity, ui 270 
Speakman, Captain, i 286 
Spikeman, Captain, ii 129, 130, 
death of, ii 131 
Spithead, ui 32 
Split, Cape, 1 277 
Stanhope, Earl, on Wolfe, in. 35 
Stanley, on the character of 
Choiseul, ui 240, sent as en* 
voy to Veisailles, ui 241, iii 


Stanley, Dean, on the legend of 
Ticonderoga, iii 281, 284. 
Stauwix, Brigadier, at Fort Fron- 
tenac, ii 336 ; builds Fort Fitt, 
11 368, sent to the relief of 
Pittsburg, 111 78, 87, on the 
siege of Hiagora, iii, 87 

Stanwix, Fort, iii. 84, 

Stark, Caleb, on the defeat of the 
rangeiB, ii 133, on Bigaud's 
attack on Fort William Henry, 
u 136 

Stark, Lieutenant John, in Shir- 
ley’s expedition agamst Crown 
Pomt, 1 302; the hero of Ben- 
nington, 1 302 , 11 120, 129, 130, 
131, 132, 133 , lightly wounded, 
11 136 , at Ticonderoga, li 300 
Stephen, Captain Adam, on 
Washington’s attack on Jumon- 
ville, 1 156, on the fight at 
Great Meadows, i 164 ; on the 
death of Jumonville, iii 269. 
Stephen, Lieutenant, lu 99 
Stephen, LientenanbColonel, u. 

Sterne, i 9 

Stevens, an Indian interpreter, i 
299, escapes from Qnebei^ in 
121 . 

Stevenson, on card money in 
Canada, ii 236 

Stewart, Captain, in the battle 
of Monougahela, i 228 
Still, Isaac, 11 359 
Stillwater, li 75, 140 
Stirlmg, Wolfe at, ui. 25 
Stobo, Majoi Robert, held by the 
French os hostage, i 165, on 
Fort Duquesne, i 216, arrives 
flt Quebec, lii 121. 

Stockbridge, ui 98 
Stone, Wdliam L , i 328 ; ii 128 ; 
ui 79, on the capture of Nia- 
gara, 111 91 , HI 92. 

Stuaits, the, leceiie their death- 
blow, I 8 , 11 254 , III. 238. 
Subaltern officeis,the French, li 55 
" Success,” the, i 256 
Sufiield (Conn ), ii 90 
Snlpitian Fatheis, the, it 140; 
missions of, ii 353, 



Superior, Lake, i 80 , ii 58 
Surgonue, pioviiicial, ii. 337 
Sueaue, uit the If'iuuch eulialierii 
olliueis, 11 55 ; on tlio tioupcn tie 
la mm me, li, 5b 

Suupiolpuina Kivei, the, ludiiui 
innsH.icios uu, in 38, 39, 
Snsiineliauinv Uivei, tlio Upper, h 

“ SuUierlaiid,” the, passes the bat 
tones of Quebec, iii 6b ; Wolte's 
flagship, 111 . 133, 137. 

Sweden, joins the throe gioot 
Powers against Prussia, ii 41, 
244, in. 246 

Swedes, the, in Pennsylvania,! 38, 
Sydney, see Eapaqnol, Poit, 

Tadoctssao, trading post of, i 181. 
Tantemar, marsh of, i, 125, 251, 
263, 364 , ill 21 

Tassd, on the AblxS Piquet, i 71 ; 

on Laiigliule, lii 378, 

'I'attou, Captain, killed in the ba^ 
tie of Mniiongniiola, i 23b 
Toodyuscuiig, the Delaware chief, 

II 352. 

Poraple, Lord, on Wolfe, ni. 36; 

III 243. 

“Tenor of Prance,” the, at Que- 
bec, iii. 117. 

Thoekoray, on Qranvillo’s reply to 
Pitt, 111 244 

Thames River, the, iii 47. 

Thoiiias, Suigooii John, in the 
attack on Port Boauscjoni, i. 
258 , journal of, i 258, 25<), 260 
Thompson, James, at Sto -Poj , iii 
196, 197 ; iii 200, 388 
Thousand Islands, the, 1 72 ,iii 215 
Tlueo Riveis, ii, 224 , census of, 
iii 17; iiiiUlia of, iii 43, 107, 
111 . 156, 187, 20(1, 209 
Ticouderoga, the b,iltle of, ii 

Ticondeioga, Dieskaii at, i 808, 
309, 310, Joliiisun urged ta 
cajituie, 1 324, ii. 3b, foiti- 
flud by Lolbinibio, ii 60, the 
battalions of La Boiiie and 
Languedoc at, ii b2 , the Royal 
Roussillon battalion sent to, ii 
64 , hluiitculin and Ld\ is hasten 
to, 11 64; the most advanced 
position of the Pronch, ti 65; 
Levis lu rninmand at, ii. 65, 
Shiiley’s jihin to attack, ii 68, 
76; Capt.uii Rogers makes a 
ropoit on, li, 77 ; ii 86 , Loudon 
turns ills whole force against, 
u, 87 ; Montcalm recalled from, 
ii. 94; left m the keeping of 
Le'vis, ii 94; tlie Pieuch plan 
to coiiceiitmte thou forces at, 
u 102 , Montc.tlm forces Wins- 
low at, it, 108 ; a hornet’s nest, 
li 115; oucaiupnionts of, li. 
116, II. 121, 122, 123, 129, 130, 
132 ; Lnsigmui comniaudant 
at, ti. 133; Uigaiidat, 11 136, 
li 141 , Montuilin's force at, 
h. 165; description of its loca- 
tion, ii 165; martial jiopiilation 
of, II lb6, Caplnin llehecouit 
at, ii. 214, 216, 216, ii 219; 
Pitt’s plan to capture, ii, 253 ; 
Ahorcromhie gathers Ins forces 
to match against, ii. 292 , Yan- 
drouil’s plan for saving, ii 292 ; 
Montcalm decides to lemain at, 
li 293 ; location of, li. 305 , the 
Pronch defences at, ii. 307 , the 
assault, 11 311; dofoatof Aber- 
crombie, ii. 316, the losses, 11 . 
317; li 371; Boiulamaque sent 
to, in 36; Amherst marches 
against, iit. 51, 64, 78; in 54, 
77; Bonrlamaque- makes no 
attempt to defend, in 80 , 
blown np, lu 81 , 111 , 108, 165; 



French accounts of the battle 
of, III, 279 , English accounts of 
the battle of, in 279, the losses 
at, iu 280, a legend of. Ill 281. 
Ticondoioga, Fort, description of, 

II . 65 

•'Tilden’s Poems," 1 329 
Titcomb, Colonel Moses, in Shir- 
ley’s expedition against Crown 
Point, 1 301 ; at Xiomsbourg, i. 
301 , in the battle of liake 
George, i. 818 

Tobago, the Island of, tii 252 
“ Tomahawk Camp,” u. 370. 
“Tom Jones," i 9 
Tongue Mountain, ii 180 
Torgan, Frederic of Prussia vic- 
torious at, iii 235 
Toronto, Father Piquet at, i 73 , 
in danger, i 88 

Toronto, Port, Shirley’s plan to 
seize, 11 . 68 

Tory squiies, the, in England, 
i 8 

Toulon, II 254 
Tonrmente, Cape, lii 45 
Tonrnois, Father, at Caughuar 
waga, 1 68 ; ordeied to Quebec, 
i 69 

TouriiUe, commander of the 
" Capricienx,” ii 287 , his diary 
on the siege of Louisbourg, ii 

Townshend, Charles, i 10 ; made 
Secretary of War, iii. 239 
Townshend, Brigadiei George, 
in command at Fort Herkimer, 

II 210; m Wolfe's expedition, 

III 33; Walpole’s estimate of, 

III . 33 ; death of, iii 81 ; letter 
from Wolfe to, m. 109 , iii 117 , 
on the Heights of Abraham, lit 
133 ; on the force of the Eng- 
lish and French at the battle 
of Quebec, iii 142, succeeds 

Wolfe in command, iii 142, 
148, Montcalm’s letter to, iii 
153, pnshos his attack on 
Quebec, iii 159, Eamesay sur- 
renders to, lit 160 ; the terms 
of capitulation, iii 161 , occu- 
pies Quebec, iii 161 , returns 
home, m 161 ; claims more than 
his share of the victoiy, iii 161 ; 
ill 288 

Townshend’s brigade, at Quebec, 
in 56, 138 

Tracy, Lieutenant, li 330 

Trahan, Joseph, on Montcalm, iii. 

Traverse, the, in 45 , the English 
fleet passing, iii 47 

"Trent," the, at Louisbourg, li 

Trent, William, the Indian trader, 
I 45 , on the attack on Picker 
wiilany, i 90, made lieutenant 
m the Yirginia militia, i 144, 
148 , his backwoodsmen, 1 . 150 ; 
it 28 

Trepezec, at Ticondeioga, ii 800, 

TSoupei de la marine, the, ii 54; 
form the permanent mihtaiy 
establishment of Canada, ii 55 , 
become lU-diSPiplined and ineffi- 
cient, 11 56, restored to older 
by Duquesno, ii 56, descrip- 
tion of, ii 56 , their close rela- 
tion with the colony, ii 66. 

Troupes de tare, the, ii 54 

Trout Brook, n 216, 301, 302 

Trumbull, on the Niagara expe- 
dition, ii 12 ; on the indigna- 
tion at Abercrombie, ii 822. 

Truro, 1 98 

Tucker, iii 127 

Tulpohocken, settlement of, de- 
stroyed by the Indians, li, 

Turenne, i 12 



Tmkov Crooli, ii 387 
Turner, Iiioutonuul, lu Rogers’ ox- 
podtlum, III 07, 99 
Turnoi, Moms, i 84 
“Tunnii, Dick,” i 9 
'Tuitlo, tiio dun of, ii 164 
Turtle Crook, i 214 
Tnscnioias, the, join the Eivo 
Nntions, i 67 

TwightwoBR, the, see il/iamia, f/ie. 
Two Mumitoiiis, the, ii S8, 

Two Mountains, tholako of,ii 162 
Two Mountains, the Mission of, i 
60; clinioh of, ii 164. 

Tyburn, i. ') 

Tyrrell, see Pichon, Thomfi 
TIlstbu, i 34 

Dnioii, the Albany plan of, i 182 
Umtod Colonies, the, i. 33 
United States, the, supphod by the 
Seven Tcais’ War with tho iii- 
dispensablo condition of thoir 
groatiicss, 1 6 , Wolto’s tilunipli 
begins tho history of, iii 265! 
Eiiglaiid'e glory in giving biith 
to, in 268 
Upper li'nlls, ii, 75 
Upper Lakos, tho, li. 10. 

Uppei Town (Quebec), tho, iii 
108 j Wolfe’s pliui to attack, in 
no; iii. 173 

Upton, Mrs,, Braddook’s oxperi-' 
once until, i, 196 I 

Uisiiliiie convent, the, at Quebec, 
iii 15t 

Uisuhnes of Quebec, the, on the 
misery of tho Acodions, i. 292 , ii 
81 , m 50, 64, 108, IBS. 162, 201 
Utrecht, the Treaty of, i. 47, 84 ; 
Franco cedes Acadia to England 
by, 1 95 . restores Bonisbourg to 
Franco,! 96, i 98, 128; doclaies 
the Five Rations to be British 
subjects, i. 130 ; i 245, 266 

Vaiois, tho, i 16 
Valtry, M do, at Fort Frontonac, 
i 78 

V.iuliraain, Captain, a Froiicli in- 
toipiotoi, accanip.imes Wash- 
iiigtdii to Fort liO Blunt, i 138, 
HI, at Fiiit Necessitv, i 164, 
Bont by WnHlniigtoii to locoive 
Vilhors’ articles of cajiitnlation, 

1 164, hold as hostage,! ICS, 
111 268, 269 

" V.uigiiaid,” the, ai lives at Que- 
bec, lii 202 

Vannos, at Bcausejoni, i 258, 
cowardice of, i 258 , i 260, ' 

Van Rensselaer, nianoi of, i 35 
Varin, tho commissary, on the 
losses in tho fight at Great 
Meadows,! 166, on the numbers 
of the French, i 166; ii 225; 
aspiies to supplant Bigot m the 
intendancy, ii 234; tuins in- 
fonnor, ii 234, tiial oi, ii 241 ; 
•iriested ,uid tiioil, in 231 
Ynim, Madame, li 116, m 276 
y.indiouil, Madaniu do, iii, 7, ro- 
tuiiis to Fi.ini-e, in 2.30. 
Tandieuil, Marijuis do, on the 
Canadian popnlatiuii, i, 23 , the 
new governor of Fioncli Amer- 
ica, i 189; on tho engagement 
between tho French and English 
fleets, i 193 , Cuiltrociuur's re- 
port on tho battle of Mououga- 
holn,i 223,229; defoiuls Yergor 
in tho court martial, i 263 , on 
, tho cause of tho misery of the 
Acadi.uis, i. 270 ; on Boislid- 
bert’s attack on Frye, i 286; 
i 292 ; Buccoeds Duquesne, t. 
299; warned of tho English 
plan to att.ick Crown Point, i. 
800; sends Dieskan to Lake 
Champlain, i 300, his plan to 
attack Oswego, i 300 , on Dies* 



kau’s force at Crown Point, i 
308 ; Ills report on tlio battle of 
Lake (iroj^e, i 328; niccte 
kloiiknlm, 11 32 , Muutcalni iiot 
welcome to, ii 52, gorcriior of 
Louiiiaua, ii 53 , cliiiruClLTisliih 
of, 11 53 , compared with ilout 
calm, II 53, leprcBeute tlie Isew 
Prance, ii 54, aiitaguiiiBiii of bn, 
force to that of Montcaliu’',, n 
54, senile Lcrj ngaiust Port 
Bnll, a 61 , liie report on tlie 
destruction of Fort llnll a 62 , 
Muiitcaliii’s cetiin.ite of, a 63 , 
on tlie Iniliui ranis, a 75 , las 
conf«rencc riith the Inditins at 
Moiitjcal, a 79, sends Villicis 
to harass t'iweno, a 81 , on 
the defeat of k illieis, ii s 4 , his 
plans against Osnego, a 91, 
on the e.ipiuie of Csaego, a 
100 , h]i Miignlai dcspatchi i to 
YeihaiUi B, a 111, his iLpint on 
the defeat nt the langei-., a 
13J, las cs.peditimi na''iii'.t 
Poit AVilli.aii ileiiir, ii 135, 
11 1 14 , e'jotijin of, 11 148, 1 10 , 
cLuiiis the hmioi of taking O,- 
wego, n 148, las false atcusa- 
tioub aoaiiisl the Ficncli olhi 1 1 
li. 150, lualiv between Ulont- 
calm and, a 1 >1-151, adis for 
a reiiitoK ciin nt of Ficueh 
troops, 11 1.56, a 173, on the 
ntassaeie at Port William 
Heniy, a 202 , his bchas lor 
in louisiana, ii 204, tiies to 
taiiiisli Moulealin's e^p'ult, a. 
206, Boiiiiamville hiiiigs him 
nesvs of the siutrss on lake 
George, a 207 , gi>cs luense 
to the Indians, a 208, 209 , 
attacks Geiinaa Pl.its, a 209, 
his ej.sggpiated irpoit of Uel 
6tie's I ampaign, ii 210 , las life 
VOL in — 26 

at Jfontreal, li 212 , Montcalm 
annoyed by his lelatious with, 
u 112 , leeonitnends 1 evis to 
replete Montcalm, u 213 , par- 
icei, liaimouy butneeu lligot 
and, 11 222 , ii 221, doteuds 
Bigot, 11 255; charged rvtth 
nGtikuei-s 111 nut piuv outing 
Bigots petulalioni", a 239, 
Miiutc.ilm gi\eu po .cis over, a 
240, on the Buglisli ticatiiiout 
ot piiMiiibra, n 267, hm pUn 
Xoi ‘armg Tie ouderog.s, n 292, 
on the uaiiihet ot Uio Picuch 
folio at luoiiJeioga, ii 311, 
ou the captiiie ot i<uit Pronto- 
iiae 11 3 18 , on tho advance of 
Poilic's pganet Fuit Dmjnesue, 
a 550, on <ti lilts defeat, li 
361,361, envious of Montcalm, 
11 ] 1. r ks fill Moiitcalin’s re- 
call, HI (i, Ins di'i'oiniitui e, in 
6, dis-e,i'-ioiis, in 6, 7 , Ins gas- 
cimacUMii 10, hu limes Hied, 
III 10, hi- dii]ilicitv, 111 12,13, 
ipieivcs the ui.iiid cioss of iSt 
Lonis, in IJ ; tikos a census, 
111 17, lav lio.ii-tB, III 10, 20, 
iiiustcis las lunei, iii 17, his 
cuntiavpil 1,1 a-tings, ai IT, has- 
tPiis to {^ticbee, ill 30 , la , piaisa 
of ( adet, 111 to , las ei iiiii iK at 
(Jueliee, la 41 , la>. cjimtprs at 
(incliic, 111 41, his lolative 
position to Mni'tinlm, iii 44, 
on the Fii'ilisli iti Et pes^mg the 
'iiaipise. III 48, (liangPb las 
pirns, ill 51, the flipsliip-., ai 
52, TviliiessPs then failtiie, iii 
5,1, sangnaio of mkcp,s, ai 54, 
las letters to Bonrlamaiino, ui 
54, 75, 118, on the attempted 
night attack, ta 57, in 60, in 
a dufensre attitudo, ia 64, 
tries again to hum the Bnglish 



fleet, ill 08 , his f.uliiie, in OO , 
Ills ('\.iltiilii)ii, 111 7,'i , 1)11 the 
ii'IjhIm' lit the Inighali .it Alniit 
nioK'ui. 1 , III 7(i , wili'n ItoiuU 
mailin' to iiliainloii 'liLinnli'iogii 
uiiil Ciiiwii I’oiiit, ill 8U, on 
Amlioiit’s (Mijtino o£ 'lium- 
tleiog.i, 111 sa, uu the i.iptiuo 
of hiuiguii, in 41, on tin' ilC' 
stiiii'tioii of St ITi'iiui IS, ill 10), 
clouoniii es Kiiijliali atiotiites, 
in HI), hia oivu iitiuutii.s in 
105 , sees Ins iiiiatake, in 107 , 
hroiitlios iTKiip fieolv, in 108, 
gliras coiihileiit, ill 117, saves 
Vci!>or fiom (lisni.vo, ni 122, 
111 128, on Wolia’a asoent of 
tlio Ilciglils of Aliialuiiii, 111 
130, delays sonduig liis foices 
to imii Moiitc.vlni’s, in 13h j lus 
di'iiial on llio Ii.ittleluilil c.iie- 
Inlly tiiiiul, lit 145, tliKiwstlie 
hlaino for defeat on Moiiti.tlm, 
iii US, ins eonslpin.Uion, m 
Hi), (oiv.irdup ot, in Hf, on 
the Ifiendi loss m the li.i(lle of 
Qiuilioo, ill U'lj on liouniuii- 
TiUo's foiee, ill 148 , lost', .in 
0]ipoituiiitj, 111 150, aliindons 
Qnohee to its f.ilo, ni 1 )1 , iii 
152 , liih tliglit. III 154 ; his 
lettoi s to lliinicsay, in 1 5 1, 1 55 , 
agiei'h to the ]ihins of Ldvis, iii 
157 , Iho loss of fiiiohei due to, 
in 150 , his jealous sinlp lollows 
Aloiitcalm even .ifcoi doiitli, iii 
102-167 , letircs to, m 
162, hl.nnes K<iniosay foi the 
suii'ondei of Quehue, lu 162, 
the torrnptiona of his govein- 
meiit, in 164 , Moiitealm's ao- 
cusations against, in l(i7 ; his 
trnil, ni 167 ; leproaclies fox, 
in 174 ; on tho e.iplnre of Lo 
Cnlvaixe, nt. 182, hopes to le- 

covoi Quclioe, in 185 , his plans 
lol .Itl.uklllg l^lielioe, ill 185, 
186, on tlio l).UIlt< of Sle-I‘oy, 
in 201, e\ens liiniselt loi de- 
tinue, in 207 , issues a Lountox 
pioihiinition. Ill 212, piomises 
ul, in 21.1, Levis' xol.itioiis with, 
ill 218, on Aiuiicist’b expedi- 
tion .ig.uiibt L'au.ida, iii 214, 
Ins lettei to I .'inglade, in 218, 
holdb a eoiineil ol wai, m 218, 
oilers to i,i|iilul<Uo, in 219, louH, 111 219, Aiiilieist 
niexiix'.ilile, iii 218 ; aoeepts the 
English terms, in 220 , lojiroved 
hy the goiexnmcnl, ni 222 , had 
no choico hut to hiirreiider, iii 
223 , Ins good ipiahtius, in 223, 
retiiins to h’laiiee, in 280, ar- 
xestod, in 2.81 , his Ixial, ni. 232 ; 
aeiiuittod, iii 2 12 , asks for pou- 
Hoiis loi Coiilieiieux imd Ligno- 
iis, in 270, on tlio loicp at 
(iuehee, in 285, on the battle 
1)1 (inebee, in 287. 

Vaudroiiil, I'inhiiiio do, governor 
ol (.'iiti.xda, n 52. 

Vandieml, Vuointn do, brother of 
the noveinor, hi 222. 

V.iiiiiueliii, in tommanil of the 
“ Axi'tlmbo” at Louisbouig, xi. 
258 , in 181), 202. 

V.invui't, ii 52. 

Venango, Iiid)an town of, Wash- 
mgtoii at, 1 138 , Knglibh trad- 
ing-bouno at, i 138 , seired by 
tho Froncli, i. 138 , .Tonc.iue m 
command, i 138; n. 110, 368, 
358 ; ill 87 , burned by tho 
Fxe)idi, iii 90, 

Vend6n)e, i 12 

Verdieres, M do, at Fort Fronts- 
nao, i 78 

Vorgor, Captain DucUainhon do, 
asked by llnqiiesno to find a 



pretext foi attacking the Eng- 
lish, 1 S-IS , 111 cumnniiiil ol Euit 
Beans 'jour, i 251 , < 1 , coiifoder- 
atp of iligot, 1 251 , ('oiiuptioii 
of, t 251, snitaius IjP LonLic’s 
tliic.UM, I 253, loams of the 
appioah of the Ei]g1i,Ii, i 25fi , 
si'iiiK fur aid, i 25t>, Ins prop 
aiatioiis foi tlefonce, 1 257, at- 
taokf'd by the English, i 258, 
252 , flurtendois i 260, 2bl , 
couit niailiallcd hut noquitted, i 
263, the post of, 111 119, 121, 
threatened disgiace of, iii 121, 
122, his caielosa defiiite, in 
128 , captnied by the English, 
in 130 

Vermont, IV ildeiiicss of, 1 301 

Veiiiet, i 14 

Veriean, Abhd 11 , on the ra.issane 
at I’oit Iloiiii, 11 201, 

II 242, oil Uouluud, in 170, 

Veih.iill''s, desciiptioii of, 1 15 14, 
1 85, 86, 92, 100, 105, 110, '88, 
263 , 11 46, 47, 1 1 4, 1 62, 236, 217, 

III 6, 199, 241 

Vers,5illes the Conit of, dupln ity 
of, 1 110, 115. 

Vicars, Captain John, on the de- 
struction of Fort Bull, 11 62, 
on the dcploiable condition of 
Oswego, II 84, 85, his lepoit 
on “ Foit Kascal,’' ii 8b 

Viget, Hon, D B , in 987 

Vigei, .Tacqnes, iii 264 

VilHrs, 1 12 

ViUieis, Conlon do, sent to Foit 
Dnquesne, i 159 , nwiimes com- 
mand ag.nnst the English, i 1 59, 
160, his plan of campaign, i 
160, snmmnus the Indians to 
council, I 101 , his march, I 161; 
at Gist’s sotlleinent, i 16! , at- 
tacks Fort Necessity, i 1 62 , pio- 

poses a pailey, i, 163 , had 
(.n.ditmii ot Ins men, i 163, 
Washingion deihues liis pio- 
2 )oeeii piilev, 1 IBi, V,inbi,i,im 
retrives Ins aititlcs of t.ixiitnla- 
tioii, 1 164 , the articlei si^i ( iI, 
i 1G5, Ills li)-stM, 1 lii5, the 
M/e ot Ins fi'iie, i 1C5, rotuiiis 
exult.uit to Foit Dnijuosue, i 
167 , sent by V indieuil to h,i",iss 
Osnegii, II 81 , defe.ited In Brad- 
stippt, ii C2, 8J , the Fionth 
aliTihnte a victory to, !i 83, 
s.uiitaiv oimdition of Ins camp, 
11 90, at Niiouie Bay, n 95, 
(aptiiied by the English, in 90, 
deicives Washington in signing 
tho aitkics of i .ipitulatiun at 
Fort Seiissity, m 268 

ViHi |i)ui, n 146 

’ illipiinn, loniiiMndaiitat We .St 
Jtan, II 28a , on the siege of 
Limisbimig, n 287 

\ illeray.cnmin.uid.uit 'tTortOns- 
pe'ean, siuicnileis to the Eng- 
lish, 1 262 , couit iioirtialled, i 

Vincfinies, Ssint-Aiige in com- 
mand at, I 87 

Virginia, colony of, conh.isted with 
Xev, England, i 3 1 , Ion er chi'ses 
of,i 32, society in, i 32, slavery 
m, 1 32 , essential antagonism of 
New Fngl.ind and, i .3.3 , strong 
distinctive (Iiniaitci of, i 34, 
English tradpis in, i 40, 15, 
plans to invmde the h’rpnth do- 
main, 1 56, ckaimt the Ohio 
valley, I 64, Boril Albemaile, 
the titul.n gov ei nor of, i 142, 
Bolioit Dnivviddie, the lieuten- 
ant governoi of, i 142 debt due 
Diiiwiddie fiom, i 14-', Dm- 
widdip oidered bv the King to 
rejielitivadcisfrum,! 142, social 



lifo in, i lfi9, 170 j Eiinldiitl 
heiiih lognneiiti, to, i 188, ill iit- 
duck 111,1 110.!, liiili.ui .ittaiks 
on tlio linrdoi suUloitionl.i ol, ii, 
19, 1!1 , ipfnsui to support Shiis 
loj 's new (',inip.iii>ii, 11 bO , wiilh- 
iiig iiiiili'i linrdoi .itlaikH, ii 
1 09 , Wiisliiiigtou's lioiiflosM task 
111, II 319 

Virgini.i Ahsoiillilv, tlio, nrgod hy 
DiiiwidiliB to bnild fuilii on tlio 
Ohio, ilia, votes .'ll! .ippiopii- 
atiou to defend tlio fruiilici', i 
145 j the Vonusvlvanu Atsoiii 
hi} curiously niiliko, i 172 hoe 
also But qi'iin, Ilouie of 
Vuftiui.iiiB, the, with lliaddoek, i 
208 , their i>.ill.uitry in the li.iLtle 
of Moiioiig.ihela, I 22'), 218 
hy Fly, i U7 ; IV.ishiiK'loii as 
Bumos t'oiiiiii 111(1 of, 1 I'l", had 
iiiilucnoe of the legnhus niion, 
1 , 157 , at Foit N(WshIi, 1 Hid, 
losses of, 1 . I(i5 , ].i(k (it div 
ci]iliiic III, 11 lb, III Furhes' cs- 
podiiiiin against Fort DiiipieMio, 
11 .3 to, .302, . 309 

Viiftiina traders, the, i 40, 45, 57, 
Q.i, 01 

Vitiv, Hems do, iii 15 
Voloiitaiios fStranguis, the haltal- 
Imi Ilf, al I/mishunrii;, li 259 
Voltaiio, on the eoiiiplie.itionB of 
political inteiesls, i .3; his lin- 
tred of the French nhiisns, i 18, 
i. 25 , letter finm Fiedeiie of 
Fiiissin to. 111 2.34 
Von IMoltko, lit 227 
Voyngemi>,i 23. 

Wababh Indiaws, the, leaguing 
with the Osnges, i 88 j ii 304 
Wabash Fivei, the, i 43 , foits on, 
1 44 , plains of, 1 59 , 1 101. 

Waggnnoi, Cnplaiii, in the hattl# 
(it Moiioiig.ihela, i 225 , li, 16. 
Walker,, iii 44. 

W.ilkei, I)i , I 220 
Walpoli", lIoiiiK', 1 9 , Ins estimate 
of ICdwaid (li.riiw.illis, i 97, 
115 J his estimate of the Duke 
ol Neneistle, 1 18t, 185, letter 
iioin Dinwiddle to, i 184, his 
esliniatc ol Mnepoix, i 180; his 
sketch of Hr'uliloik, I 195-198, 
his letteis to Sii lloraeo Mann, 

1 195, on Biaddock'h o\pedi- 
tion, 1 205; on 'I’owiislioiiil, iii. 
33, on Wolte's foiohodings, Hi 
IbS, on Wolfe’s vietoiy and 
de.ith. III 18S, 169; on the le- 
tieal of I.'Ms, in 20.3, 204, on 
the de.ith of lieoige II , in 236, 
237 , on I’ltt’s rosig nation, iii 

Want, Itiisign, at the finks of the 
Ohio, I 1+8; fiiu'iiil to lotiro by 
the Fieiiili, 1 118 
Waldo, Ailiiiii il, 1 \ 

Waidi', (ieoii'O, iii 30 
W.u-Ie.ists, Indian, dohciiptiuu of, 
11. 108 

War of Inilependeneo, the, in 
Aiueiiea, i .3, 5, 37 
Waiuer, vSnmuel, on tho exjiedi- 
tion against Tieouderoga, in 79 
W.iiicii, Admiral Sir Foloi,i 298 
Washington, (leoigo, i 3, 57 , sent 
hy Diiiwidilio to siimnion tho 
Fieneli 1o leave the Ohio, holds 
parleys with tho Iiiili.ins at Logs 
town, I 138, at Venango, i, 
1.38, Joiieaire’s civility to, i 
138; on tlio Ficncli designs on 
the Ohio, i 139, at Fort Le 
Brt'iif, i 1.39; deseribos Saint- 
Fierie, i 1.39 , Raint-l’ierre’s re- 
ception of, i 140; at Mill del mg 
Town, 1 , 141 , on tho Alleghany, 



i 141 ; returns to Williamsliurg, 
I 143 ; makes his report to Din- 
widdle, 1 143; placed in com- 
mand of the militia, i 144 , Din- 
widdle’s instructions to, i 144, 
second m command in Dmwid- 
die’s evpedition against the 
^ench, 1 147 , character of his 
men, i 148, Ensign Ward re- 
ports his mishap to, i 148, re- 
ports the blighting of his plans 
to Governor Diuwiddie, i 149 i 
crosses the AUeghaiiies, i ISO, 
at the Great Meadows, i 160, 
on the Voughiogany, i. 151 > 
joined by the Half-Emg, i 151, 
153, hlH journal, i 153, his 
council with the llalf-Kiug, i 
163 , his victory over Jiimonville, 
i 153, 154, conduct of his In- 
dians, i 155 , his characteiistics, 

1 155, returns to the Groat 
Meadows, i 156, Dinwiddie 
highly approves of the conduct 
of, 1 156 , builds Eort Necessity, 
I. 156, gathers his Indians at 
the Great Meadows, i 157, as- 
sumes command of the Yiigima 
regiment, i 157, his troubles 
with the regulais, i 157, ad- 
vances to Gist's settlement, i 
158, a council of war in Gist's 
house, 1 158, returns to the 
Great Meadows, i 158 , his un- 
favorable position, i 158, de- 
fends Eort Necessity against 
Villiers, 1 162, Villiers proposes 
a parley, i 163 , bad condition 
of his men, i 164; declines the 
proposed pailey, i 164, sends 
Vanbraam to receive Villieis’ 
artacles of capitulation, i 164, 
signs the articles of capitulation, 
i 164 , his losses, i 165 , the sire 
of his force, i 166, the Half- 

Emg holds aloof from, i 166 ; 
the Half-Eing’s estimate of, i. 

166, bis immense fortitude, i. 

167 , his defeat a heavy blow to 

Dinwiddle, i 168, provoked by 
apathy shown toward Braddock’s 
expedition,! 304, on Braddock’s 
lU-humor, 1 209 , aide-de-camp to 
Braddock, i. 310, Braddock ac- 
cepts his advice, i 214 , his let- 
ter to his brother, i 314 , on the 
spectacle of Biaddock's aimy, i 
320, in the battle of Mononga- 
hela, 1 227, 238 , on the defeat 
of Braddock, i 239 , the retieat, 
1 , 232; bis letter to Dmwiddie, i 
237, 238 , hiB wonderful escape, i 
238 , Dinwiddle’s reply to, i 239 , 
in command of the Virginia regi- 
ment, u 16, his difbculties in 
enforcing discipline, ii 16, on 
the fugitives from the border at- 
tacks, ii 17, beset with difficul- 
ties, 11 17 , leceives cold support 
from Dmwiddie, ii 17, hts pro- 
test to Dmwiddie, ii. 18, 19; did 
not kindle enthusiasm, ii. 19; 
the foremost man along the 
western border, ii. 19 , bis letter 
to Moms, 11 110, falsely le- 
ported to have led the expedi- 
tion against Eittannmg, 11 114, 
his hopeless tusk in Virginia, n 
339 , Dmwiddie conceives a dis- 
like to, ii 839; m Forbes’ expe- 
dition against Fort Duqiiesne, 
11 342 , Forbes’ imputations 

against, 11 345, deceived in sign- 
ing the articles of capitulation at 
Fort Necessity, ui 268 

Waterbury, ii, 115 

Webb, Colonel Daniel, sent to 
America, ii 70, at Albany, ii 
86; sent to reinforce Oswego, 
n 93, at the Great Carrying 



Place, n 93 , locoives iieiva ot 
the Laptuie of (Kwogo liy the 
PiojilIi, II 93; biiiiis the luit 
of, n 'It, ill. lii'iinau Plats, u 
04 , 11 10 .‘, 197 , ou tlio iinpoi- 
taiice of [lull, III <is<iibt,iti( 0 , ti 
17.3, lit Pint I'.ilwiiiil, II 181, 
visits Foit Willuun lli‘iir. 1 , ii 
184 , .iskoil by Moiiro loi leiu- 
fiiwi’iiieiits, ii 18.7, his liidoii- 
sitm, II ISb; the iiiimbci of hia 
truupa, 11 181), .iska Lomlou lui 
ruiutoicuiiieiits, u 190 , wiiriis 
Muiiio to expect no holp fium 
him, 11 I'll , Ilia lottci lutoi- 
cepteil, 11 111 , covro. poiideuco 
of, II 20ij his oi'deia fiom 
Loudon, 11 904 , joined by Joliu- 
Boii at P'oit Ednaid, ii SOS , 
denla with a iimtinoiiB imlitia, 
11 205 , aouod by the paiiii, li. 
200, his lotlei' to Jjimdoii, in 

Wobli’H legiiiieiit, ou the Ilvighla 
of Ahralmm, iii 133, 141 ; in 
the battle of Quebec, in 141, 

Wedi'll, Goiioial, defeated by the 
Ruaaiiiiia, in 283. 

Weed, Mr , ii 92. 

Woiaor, Conrad, the Pcnnajl- 
vauiaii intoipiotor at Onon- 
daga, I 70 jonriial of, i. 70, 77 , 
on the ILilf-King's Luniinonts on 
the fight at Great Meadowa, i 
166 , lottoi to Governor Morria 
fruni, II 33. 

Wentwoith. Governor, i .301 , on 
the masaacie at Poll William 
Ileniy, li 199; lettoi from 
Christie to, u. 206 

Wealey, i, 8 

Weat, the, deplorable condition of 
Preneh iniercats in, i 60 ; favor- 
able outlook fur the English tu, 

I <i2 , Pioiich jiostb in, i 200 , 
^ PiuiKli posts .uid holtloments 

111 , n 4. 

Wo t, Beiijanim, tho paintei, ii. 
.3(i8, .•ih'l 

11 ,t, C.iptaiii II ; (>8 
V, I liiiiroli'.li iiss , li 2'I5 
‘ Wcstiii , piiie," 1 0 
Wcstorii liibes, the, act on by tu .dtiick the liuider 
aetlleinoiits, ii 14, join the 
hioncli to rouovoi I’lttabnig, in 
86 , lelnse to fight, iii 207 
West Indies, tlie, Pieiicli posses- 
bioim 111, I 12, 1 142, iibing 
Piciuh ciiluincs in, ii, 42, lii. 
S3, 247, 252, 280 
Woslnmister Aldiej , li 298. 

West Moantain, i 311. 

Wheeling Creek, BidiimUo at, i 

Whig arisliieiaey, the, in England, 
does a piieolcbs soiviuo to Itng- 
lish liberty, i 8 

Whippingpost, the, in camp, li. 

IVliiU-fleld, 1 8 

Whileh ill, town of, Dioakan at, i. 

.lOI; li. 329, hi 96. 

M'hito Miniiilains, the, li, HI. 
White Point, ii 262. 203 
White’s Chocolate lloiiso, i 9, 
White Womaii’h Ciook, 1, 68 
Wbiliug, Lionloiiant-C'olonel, i 
313 , in Dicaltau’s anibnsh, i, 

Wliirmoro, Brigadioi, ii. 253; 
made govoiuoi of Louisbourg, 

II 281 

Whitworth, Doctor, at Port Ed* 
waid, i 281. 

Wliitworlh, Milos, on the massa 
CIO at P'ort William Henry, iL 
197, 202 , 111 278, 279. 

Wiggms, George, li. 288. 



WJhelmina, siilerof rrederio of 
Pin'tMa ileatli of, iii 2^5. 
■WilhAin III, ot Engldml, i 7 
Wjlliam anil Maiy C'ollogo, i IbO 
William of Orange, i 8 
William Ileniy, Foit, i 327 , ii 
36, 75 , Colonel .Toiiatli.ui Pag 
lev in eommanil at, ii 76 , da- 
BCiiption of the camp at, ii 89,, 
the Knglibli at, ii 116, ii 6, 121, 
122, 125, Major Eyre takei poa- 
sessiou of, 11 127 , Rogcib at 
11 120, 11 133, St Patiuk’b 
Day calpbrated at, ii 134, Vau- 
dieiul'a expedition against, ii 
135, stiengtli of the gairibon 
at, 11 13b, attacked by lligaiid, : 
ii 13b-130, 11 140, lO'i, 181, 
ruins of.ii 182 desciiption of, ii 
184, Lieutenant-Ooloiiel Homo 
m command, 11 184, xnmiuoiied 
by Montcalm to fiiuicnder, ii 
187, refims, ii 187, the lUack, 
ii 188, the capitulatnm ii 10 1, 
the Hounded butehered lij the 
Indians, ii 194, the iiiassacip, 
li 195-202, destruction of, ii 
202, the responsibility for the 
signal of bntcheiy at, ii 203 , ii 
294 , Colonel Cummings in coin- 
mandat,ii 321, iii 7,79,91,165, 
228 , testimony on tlio att.ick on, 
111. 276-279 

Williams College, founded by 
Ephiatm Williams, i 302 
Williams, Colonel Ephraim, in 
Shirley’s expedition against 
Crown Point, i 301 ; founds 
Williams College, ! 302 , on 
the character of the piovincial 
aimy, i 303, impatient at the 
delays, i 304 , lettei to Dwight 
fiom, 1 305 ; at the Drowned 
Dands, i 313, death of, i 314, 

Williams, Fort, built In the Eng- 
lish on the Moh.iwk, ii 61, 62 

Williams, Colonel Isiael, letter 
flora Fphiaiui M illiams to, i 
303, le ter lioin I’umoioi to, i 
3C4; pappis of, i 328, letteis 
flora Dr Thomas Williams to, 
11 89 93, letteis flora Coloiiel 
William Williams to, ii 94, 321, 

Williams, .Tosiali, wounded in the 
battle of Cake Geoige, i 822 

WiUiams’ legimoiit, in the battle 
of Lake Georee, i .318 

Williams, Stephen, chaplain, in 
Shirley’s expedition against 
Crown Point, i, 802; at Fort 
Lvman, i 307 

Williams, Thomas, suigeon, m 
Shirley’s expedition .igainst 
Clown Point, i 302 , impatient 
at the delays, i 304, 30,3, on 
the battle of Lake ODoige, i 
317, letter to his wife, i 322, 
on the English losses in the 
ImiUe of Lake George, i 323, 
324 , letters of, i 328 , on the con- 
dition of the proMiicml camps, 
n 89 , anxious ahont Oswego, ii. 
93, on tho capture of Oswego 
hy the French, ii 94 , on the 
exploits of Eobeit Bogeis, ii. 

Williams, Mis Thomas, letters 
fiom hei husband to, i 322 , ii 

Williams, Colonel William, let- 
tois from Marsh to, i 316, 322 , 
his letters to Colonel Israel 
Williams, II 94, 321, 327 

Williamsburg, i 139, Washing- 
ton at, 1 142 , 1 147 , deserip- 
tion of, I 169, Dmwiddie at, i. 

Will's Creek, trading-house built 



by the Ohio Company at, i. 63, 
138 , DinwuUlie appouita a 
rondozrons at, i H4 , Wasli- 
inp'ton at, i 148, 180, Fry at, 
1 166, 157 , Braddock at, i 20.3, 

WilHon, Commissary, on the 
expedition against Ticoiideioga, 
lii 79, lii 94 

Winchester, Diiiwiddio invites the 
Indians to meet liira at, i 146 , 
W<ishington’s hcadqnailcrs at, 
ii 16 

Windsor, town of, i 98, 278, u 

''^muebagoes, the, at Montcalm’s 
gland council, li 174 

Winslow, TjieiitonanirColoiifll 
John, sent to the KenneboL 
by Slniloy, i 176 , commishioned 
by Shiiley to raise volunteers 
against the French,! 251,Bkoteh 
of, 1 255 ; in the luckless at- 
tack on Caitlugciia, i 255, 
forms a regiment, i 255 , in the 
attack on Fort Beausejoui, i 
258 ; letter from OapUiii Hons 
to, i 269 , journal of, i, 262 ; 
takes possossion of Fort Oas- 
perean, i. 262 ; at Boauadjour, i. 
263 ; Moncktnn informs him of 
his intention to remove the 
Acadiaiis, f. 263 { on Monoktoii's 
interview with the Acadiaiis, 
i. 261, on the oath requited of 
the Acadians, 1 275 , ordcied 
to seize the Acadians, i 276, 
sets out from Fort Cumber- 
land on his unenviable errand, 
i 277 i angered by Monokton's 
treatment, i 277 ; at Grand 
Frd, i 278, 279 ; his instructions 
from Lawrence, i 279, 280; 
issues a summons to the Aca- 
dians, 1 281, the scene in the 

chuich, i 282, 283 , his portrait, 
1 28.3 , his anxiety for Ins cap- 
tives, 1 286 , a measure of pro- 
cantion, i 287, his griof, i 
288; congratulated liy Murray, 
i, 288, heartsick,! 289; aiuval 
of the transports, i 289, the 
oinhaikatiou, i, 289 , his humane 
tre.itmoiit of the Acadians, i 
230 , commands the Now Kng- 
huid troops, ii 69, lettei fiom 
Loid Loudon to, ii. 74; his 
headqiuiteis at Half-Moon, ii 
75, letter from Colonel Fitch 
to, II. 75 , mges haste m the 
preparations against Ticon- 
deioga, ii. 76; his meeting with 
Loudon, ii 87 , at Lake George, 
u 88, 108, it. 92, faced by 
Montcnlm at Ticonderogo, ii 
108, 109 ; his estimate of Isiael 
Putnam, li. 116, his “Letter 
Book," ii 116; on Lydinss, ii 
122; ordoiod to keep the defen- 
sive, 11 , 126; Ills letter to 
Shirley, ii 126 , his letter to 
Halifax, ii 127 ; li. 183 ; cost 
to MussnchiiHotlH of the expe- 
dition of, II 290 

Winslow’s haltalion, i 285. 

Wolfo, Major-Gonoial Edward 
(father), lii, 24 

Wolfo, Mrs Edward (mother), 
letters from hei son to, iii 25, 
27, 28, 29, 32, 112 

Wolfe, Brigadier James, on Ed- 
ward Cornwallis, i. 97, praises 
the conduct of Biadstreet, ii 
S3, shows gallantry at Boche- 
fort, ii 258 ; iii. 29 ; reconnoitres 
at Lomsbourg, i! 262 ; an 
hahitnal invalid, ii 26.3; at- 
tempts to land at Freshwater 
Cove, li 264 ; a hold movement, 
ii 266 ; at Lighthouse Point, ii 



S67 , silences the Island Bat- 
teiy, 11 269 , seues Gollo^rs 
HiU, 11 271 , the life of tho 
siege uf Luuisbuurg, ii 284 , his 
discontent, ii 28') , evcoiites 
an unpleasant duty, ii 286 , 
sails foi England, ii 287 , his 
coircspondence on the siege ot 
Louishuuig, ii 288, Ins estimate 
of Alioiciomhio, 11 295, his 
estimate of Ilowe, ii 295, his 
expedition to the St I.awrciice, 
HI 22, 111 24, peisonal appeai- 
ance of, in 24, hia early life, 
111 25, letteis to his inothei, 
111 25, 27, 28, 20, 32 , his m.ii- 
tial instincts, iii 26, his char- 
acter, III 27 , his domestic life, 
ill 28 , letters to his uncle, in 
30, 31, 33 , Ins betrothal, in 

30, letter to IticUon from, in 

31 , named by Fitt to lead the 

expedition against Quebec, in 
31 , a hopeless enigma to Xew- 
caetlo, 111 31 , Ueurgo 11 ’s 

opinion of, 111 31 , sails to 
Ameiiea, III 32, Ins colleagncs, 
ill S3 , anecdote ot, in 35 , his 
force at Quebec, iii 43, Unds 
on tho IsLiud of Uileaiis, ni 
49 , magnitude of Ins nndei- 
taUiug, 111 19 , a desperate 
giine. 111 51 , the eleiiieuls 
against him, in 51 , strength uf 
his position, in. 54 , seizes Burnt 
Levi, 111 . 55 , seeks to strike an 
effectne blow, in 57, occupies 
the heights ot Montmorenci, in 

60, danger of Ins position, in 

61 , red and white nav.igi s, in 
63 , forbids scalping, in 63 , Ins 
procbimation to the Caiiadi.nis, 
111 65 , becomes more vulner- 
able than ei er, in 66 , liis sevci- 
ities. 111 67 , Ills desperate plan. 

hi 70 , attacks the French camp, 
m 71 , oideis a, iii 
74, on the repulse at Moiitmo- 
renci, in 76, in 77, Amhoist's 
delay lu leiiiforcmg, in 82, 83 , 
letter trom Amhcist to, in 93, 
deeply moved bj the diss''ter at 
the heights of Montmnrcni i, in 
102, lebukes the gienadicrs, III 
102 , despoiideiicy ot, ni lOS , Ins 
plan to fuitity Isle-iux-Cuudies, 
111 103, 1 i\s waste the pai lubes, 
in lot, 105, his Immaiio otders, 
111 lir> , illness of. III 109 , a 
new plan uf attack, in 110, 
dctei niin.itioii uf, in 111, his 
last Icttei to his mutbei, in 
112, Ins Inst despatches, in 
Il.t, Im letter t>i llDldpiiiouse, 
HI 114, 11.5. Ins duspeiate situ- 
atiim, in 113, litb plan, III 11b, 
hiu inoiemoiits, iii 117, iiii- 
ineuse moral force of, in 121 , 
deceit es liougaiutille in 122, 
hib last general nideis, in 123 , 
loj.iltv of tho .irmt to, m 124, 
a pretended attack, in 125, his 
force co.npared with Mont- 
caliu’b, 111 125 , the troops em-, III 127 , his piesentiment 
of death, in 127 , the descent of 
the bit Lawrence, ill 129, passes 
the sentiies, in 130; makes the 
nstent, in 130, 131 , the line of 
liattlc, in 133, his omnipres- 
ence, in 138, an anecdote of, 
in 138, the crisis, in 139, 
the liatlle, ui 139 ; mortally 
wounded, iii 140, his death, 
lii 141, his remains canted to 
Bngland, in 162, effect of the 
news in England of hib victory 
and deith, in 168, 169 , the far- 
reaching cnDsev|Ucnce of his 
victoiv,yi 170,111 192,193,198, 



225, 255 , his force at Quchoc, 
111 280 

Wolle, llajiir Waliei (nnelc), 
Ictlcis Ainu Wdlfu to, III 0(1, 01, 

Wolfo’s Cove, 111 , 121. 

\V()11 Klaiiil, II yi) 

Woiiipii, iiiodigiuns iiifliiouco in 
Ki.uu'o of, 1 1 1 

\Yo(jil t'leek, Ilf I aka Chniupliun, 
i .11)5, SUB, a08 ; 11 75, 80, 93, 
328, .129, Sliirloy at, u. 7, Ifort 
Ihill limit on, II III 

“ Woodeu lioibe,” the, iii cainji, ii. 

WoiidhuH, Colonel Nntli.iiiipl, on 
the caiitiue of Fort Liivis, iii 

Woolh'7, Ooloiicl, on the liattlo of 
'liuonileioi;.!. Ill 280,281 

Wou&U'i, Ciiloniil David, .it Foil 
Eihvavd, 11 iii 

Won'ostin (Atilsft ), 11. 91. 

Wrasnll, .InliiKioii'h soeivtiiry, on 
Joliiisoii’M .irmv, i 312, eulo- 
gizes Joluisoii, i. 327. 

Wiiglit, li 288, 29B ; on Wolfe, 
HI 31, 138 

Wiiglit, Dr, 11 327 

Wjaiuliit, 111 hnu village of, i 81 

Wyaiidols, tlip, in tlio Ohio v.illpy, 
1 43, 15 ; vilkigo of, 1 , 87 ; i. 61. 

Wymm, iiii the battle of ,Sto.-Foy, 
111 S05 

Wyoming, ii 352. 

Yahkiit Tin nn, the, i 62. 

Yale College, i .iOl, 302. 

York, 1 ‘I, 207 

Yonghnig.iiii Hivor, the, Wnsh- 
iiigtoii oil, 1 151 , li .'UC. 

Young, I.iPiitPii.iiil-Coloiicl, sent 
to Foit lleiiiy, 11 185, 
soiit to Moiitcaliu to capituUlo, 
ii 193 

7a i.,iu',Ki.ii.u, David, i 58. 

2m/oiiiliirl, C’lmiit, tlio filoravnii, 
oil Andioiv Montour, i 58, 
joimul of, 1 58